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INTRODUCTION Phases of Nationalist Movement: Liberal Constitutionalists (MODERATES PHASE) Congress politics during the first twenty years since its inception was moderate in nature. Congress: members were mostly part-time politicians who were successful professionals in their personal life; members from upper class and had been thoroughly anglicized. The moderates were influenced primarily by Utilitarian theories as JS Mill and Edmund To the moderates, British rule seemed to be an act of providence destined to bring in modernization. Indians needed some time to prepare themselves for self-government, and till that time British parliament could be trusted. The politics of the moderates was limited in goals and methods. Although they were aware of the exploitative nature of British rule, they wanted its reform and not its expulsion. The moderates never visualized a separation from the British empire. They wanted limited self-government within the imperial framework. Initial Demands: i. Broaden Indian participation in the legislature through an expansion of central and provincial legislatures. ii. New councils for the North-Western Provinces and Punjab. iii. Two Indian members in the Viceroy’s Executive Council. iv. The budget should be referred to the legislature which will have the right to discuss and vote on it. They initially demanded democratic rights only for the educated members of the Indian society who would substitute for the masses. Their expectation was that full political freedom would come gradually and India would be ultimately given the self-governing rights. In return, they merely received the Indian Councils Amendment Act of 1892 which only provided for marginal expansion of the legislative councils at the centre and the provinces which was to be constituted through selection by the viceroy at the centre and the governors at the provinces rather than election. The Government of India was given the power to legislate without referring to the legislature. Therefore, very few of the constitutional demands of the moderates were fulfilled by this act. 6.Reformation of the Administrative System Moderates demanded an Indianization of the services as an Indianized civil service would be more responsive to the Indian needs. 7. They demanded a simultaneous civil service examination both in India and London and raising the age limit for appearing in such examinations from 19 to 23. 8. Charles Wood, the president of the Board of Control, opposed this on the premise that there is no institution that could train the boys in India for the examination. 9.Although in 1892, 93, a resolution in the House of Commons was passed for simultaneous examination, the maximum age for the exam was further lowered to the disadvantage of the Indians. 10. Military Expenditure i. The British Indian army was being used in the imperial wars in all parts of the world. ii. This put a very heavy burden on the Indian finances. iii. The moderates demanded that the military expenditure should be shared evenly by the British government; the Indians should be taken in the army as volunteers and appointment of more Indians in higher ranks. iv. These demands were rejected. v. The idea of volunteer service was abhorred because it was feared that Maratha and Bengali volunteers because of their nationalism would find their way in the army and subvert its integrity. 11. The idea of appointing Indians in commissioned ranks was also despised as no European officer would like being ordered by an Indian commander. 12. The British government agreed to only share a small fraction of military expenditure and the burden on Indian finances remained the same. 13. The moderates also demanded the extension of the Permanent Settlement, abolition of salt tax and a campaign against the exploitation of the indentured labour at the Assam tea gardens. These demands represented a plea for racial equality. But, none of these demands were even considered by the colonial administration. Economic Critique of Colonialism Most significant historical contribution of the moderates. This is often referred to as economic nationalism and was further developed in the subsequent period of Indian nationalist movement. Three main names: i) Dadabhai Naroji – a successful businessman ii) Justice MG Ranade iii) R.C Rutt, a retired ICS officer who published The Economic History of India in two volumes (1901-03) The main focus of this economic nationalism was on Indian poverty created by the application of the classical economic theory of free trade. This turned India into a supplier of agricultural raw materials and foodstuffs to and a consumer of manufactured goods from the mother country. India was thus reduced to the status of a dependent agrarian economy and a field for British capital investment. Investment of foreign capital meant a drainage of wealth through expatriation of profit. This, known as the drain theory, was central to economic nationalism. It was argued that direct drainage of wealth took place through military charges, home charges etc. Rise of Extremists and The Swadeshi Movement By the end of the nineteenth century, the failure of moderate politics became apparent. Ergo, a reaction set in from within the Congress, referred to as the Extremist trend. The moderates – criticized – for being too cautious. Extremist politics developed in three mains regions under the leadership of three important individuals: Bipin Chandra Pal in Bengal Bal Gangadhar Tilak in Maharashtra Lala Lajpat Rai in Punjab Reasons of the Rise of Extremism A. Factionalism: Historians observed a good deal of faction fighting at almost every level of organized public life in India. Bengal : division within the Brahmo Samaj and the faction fighting between Aurobindo Ghosh on the one hand and Bipin Chandra Pal and Brahmabandhab Upadhyay on the other, over the editorship of Bande Mataram. Maharashtra : competition between Gokhale and Tilak for controlling the Poona Sarvajanik Sabha. In 1895, Tilak captured the organization and Gokhale in 1896 started a rival organization, the Deccan Sabha. Punjab : Arya Samaj divided after the death of Dayanand Saraswati, between the more moderate and radical revivalist group. B. Frustration with Moderate Politics Major reason behind the rise of extremist politics. The social reformism of the moderates, inspired by Western liberalism, also went against popular orthodoxy. Moderate politics had reached a dead end, as most of their demands remained unfulfilled and this was a major reason behind the rise of extremism. This increased the anger against colonial rule and this anger was generated by the moderates themselves through their economic critique of colonialism. C. Role of Lord Curzon He initiated a number of unpopular legislative and administrative measures, which hurt the susceptibilities of the educated Indians. For example, the Indian Universities Act of 1904 placed Calcutta University under the most complete governmental control and the Indian Official Secrets Amendment Act of 1904 further restricted press freedom. His Calcutta University convocation address wherein he described the highest idea of trust as a Western concept hurt the pride of educated Indians. Last in the series was the partition of Bengal in 1905, designed to weaken the Bengali nationalists who allegedly controlled the Congress. But instead of weakening the Congress, the Curzonian measures revitalized it as the extremist leader now tried to take over Congress in order to commit it to the path of more direct confrontation with colonial rule. Swaraj The goal of the extremists was swaraj which different leaders interpreted differently. Tilak: Swaraj = Indian control over the administration, but not a total severance of relations with Great Britain. Bipin Chandra Pal: Swaraj = As no self-government was possible under British paramountcy, so for him swaraj was complete autonomy, absolutely free of British control. Aurobindo Ghosh: Swaraj = absolute political independence. Change in the forms of agitation The radicalization was manifested in the change in the method of agitation with a shift from the old methods of prayer and petition to passive resistance. This meant opposition to colonial rule through its violation of unjust laws, boycott of British goods and institutions, and development of their indigenous alternatives - swadeshi and national education. The inspiration for this new politics came from the new regional literature which provided a discursive field for defining the Indian nation in terms of its distinct cultural heritage. A) This was a revivalist discourse as it invoked an imagined golden past and used symbols to arouse nationalist passions. B) This was also a response to the gendered discourse of colonialism that had stereotyped the colonized society as effeminate, and therefore unfit to rule, which created a psychological condition for the subject state to recover their virility in Kshatriyahood in an imagined Aryan past. C) Historical figures that represented velour were now projected as national heroes. D) Tilak started the Shivaji festival in Maharashtra in April 1895. E) The Marathas, Rajput's and Sikhs were now placed in an Aryan tradition and appropriated as national heroes. The Indian political leaders also looked back to Indo-Aryan political traditions as alternatives to Anglo-Saxon political systems. The Indian traditions were described as more democratic with strong emphasis on village self-government. The concept of dharma was also evoked which restricted the arbitrary powers of the king. This was directly to counter the colonial logic and moderate argument that British rule was an act of providence to prepare Indians for self-government. a. This was the central problem of Indian nationalism. b. The moderates wanted the Indian nation to develop through a modernistic course, but the extremists that sought to oppose colonial rule, talked in terms of a non-Western paradigm. c. They tried to define the Indian nation in terms of distinctly Indian cultural idioms, which led them to religious revivalism invoking a glorious past – sometimes even unquestioned acceptance and glorious fixation of that past. d. The English-educated Indians also felt proud of the achievements of the Vedic civilization. e. This was essentially an “imaginary history” with a specific historical purpose of instilling a sense of pride in the minds of a selected group of Indians involved in the process of imagining their nation. Swadeshi Movement The Swadeshi movement launched in the early 20th Century was a direct fallout of the decision of the British India government to partition Bengal. Use of Swadeshi goods and boycott of foreign made goods were the two main objectives of this movement. A Boycott Resolution was passed in Calcutta City Hall on August 7, 1905, where it was decided to boycott the use of Manchester cloth and salt from Liverpool. In the district of Barisal, the masses adopted this message of boycott of foreign-made goods, and the value of the British cloth sold there fell sharply. Bande Mataram became the boycott and Swadeshi movement theme song. Among the movement’s various forms of struggle, it was the boycott of foreign-made goods that encountered the greatest visible success on the practical and popular level. Boycott and public burning of foreign clothes, picketing of shops selling foreign goods, all became common in remote corners of Bengal as well as in many major cities and towns across the country. Another form of mass mobilization widely used by the Swadeshi movement was the corps of volunteers (samitis). Ashwini Kumar Dutt, a school teacher, set up the Swadesh Bandhab Samiti in Barisal was the best – known volunteer organization of all of them. The Shivaji and Ganapati festivals in Western India (Maharashtra) were organized by Lokmanya Tilak to spread the swadeshi message and boycott movements among the masses. The Swadeshi and boycott movements placed great emphasis on ‘ Atmasakti ‘ or self – reliance as a means of reasserting national dignity in different fields. In the field of national education, this emphasis on self – reliance was most evident. The National College of Bengal was founded as its principal with Aurobindo. Numerous national schools have been established throughout the country in a short period of time. The National Education Council was established in August 1906. In Indians entrepreneurial zeal, self – reliance was also evident. The period saw an explosion of textile mills, factories of soap and match, tanneries, banks, insurance companies, shops, etc. While most of these Swadeshi companies were set up and run as a result of patriotic fervor than any real business interest and were unable to survive for a long time, some others like Acharya P.C. Ray In the field of culture, Amar Sonar Bangla, written by Rabindranath Tagore in protest against Bengal’s partition, became a rallying point for the Swadeshi and boycott movements and later inspired Bangladesh’s liberation struggle. Reasons behind Swadeshi Movement Government suppression: Realizing the revolutionary potential, the government came down with a heavy hand. Most of the important leaders of the movement were either imprisoned or deported between 1907 and 1908. Any mass movement cannot be sustained endlessly at the same pitch of militancy and self-sacrifice, especially when faced with severe repression. Congress split: The internal squabbles, and especially, the split in 1907 in the Congress, the apex all-India organization, weakened the movement. Organization structure: It lacked the effective organization and party structure. The movement failed to create an effective organization or a party structure. It threw up an entire gamut of techniques that came to be associated with Gandhian politics like non-cooperation, passive resistance, filling of British jails, social reform and constructive work but failed to give these techniques a disciplined focus. Reach limited: The movement largely remained confined to the upper and middle classes and zamindars, and failed to reach masses especially the peasantry. It was not able to garner the support of the mass of Muslims and especially of the Muslim peasantry. Hindus and Muslims were divided along class lines with the former being the landlords and the latter constituting the peasantry. Though the Swadeshi Movement had spread outside Bengal, the rest of the country was not as yet fully prepared to adopt the new style and stage of politics. Ideas failed: The movement aroused the people but did not know how to tap the newly released energy or how to find new forms to give expression to popular resentment. Leadership issues: The movement was rendered leaderless with most the leaders either arrested or deported by 1908 and with Aurobindo Ghosh and Bipin Chandra Pal retiring from active politics. Tilak was sentenced to six years imprisonment, Ajeet Singh and Lajpat Rai of Punjab were deported and Chidambaram Pillai was arrested. Formation of Muslim League The All-India Muslim League (popularized as the Muslim League) was a political party established in 1906 in British India It was found as an alternative political group to the Indian National Congress It was created with the aim of representing the interests of Indian Muslims. The formation of a Muslim political party on the national level was seen as essential by 1901. The first stage of its formation was the meeting held at Lucknow in September 1906, with the participation of representatives from all over India The Simla Deputation reconsidered the issue in October 1906 and decided to frame the objectives of the party on the occasion of the annual meeting of the Educational Conference, which was scheduled to be held in Dhaka. Meanwhile, Nawab Salimullah Khan published a detailed scheme through which he suggested the party to be named All-India Muslim Confederacy. From their inception, the Muslim League continually called for unity in an independent India but began to fear that it would be dominated by Hindus, who made up the majority of the population. Following the First World War (1914-18) the Muslim League joined forces with Congress to advocate for Home Rule within the British Empire Further, in the late 1920s and early 1930s Jinnah consolidated the views of Muslims in India into 14 points. These included proposals to form a federal government and to have a one third representation of Muslims in the central government. When Britain declared war with Germany in 1939 it did so on behalf of India as well. The Congress refused to support this declaration because their representatives hadn’t been consulted. In contrast, whilst the Muslim League remained critical of British rule, they agreed to support India’s participation in the war in the hope of gaining a better vantage to negotiate independence. In 1940, in what became known as the ‘two-nation theory’, Jinnah began to demand for the creation of a separate Muslim state from territories that were currently in British India. Further, the idea of a separate state of Pakistan began to gain popularity with Muslims across India. Gandhi & Mass Mobilization 1. The Khilafat Agitation: The Indian Muslims Community launched the Khilafat Agitation. Its two important leaders were Mohammad Ali and Shaukat Ali. It was launched against the Britishers’ imposition of a harsh treaty (Treaty of Sevres) on the Turkish Sultan or Khalifa. 2. Non-Cooperation Movement It was a significant phase of the Indian independence movement from British rule. It was led by Mahatma Gandhi after the Jallianwala Bagh Massacre. It aimed to resist British rule in India through nonviolent means. The programmed of non-cooperation included within its ambit the surrender of titles and honors. Boycott of government affiliated schools and colleges Boycott of law courts Picketing of shops selling foreign cloth was also a major form of the Boycott could be extended to include resignation from government service and mass civil disobedience including the non-payment of taxes. National schools and colleges were to be set up Panchayats were to be established for settling disputes Hand-spinning and weaving was to be encouraged People were asked to maintain Hindu- Muslim unity, give up untouchability and observe strict non-violence. 3. Kisan sabhas In the Avadh area of U.P., where kisan sabhas and a kisan movement had been gathering strength since 1918 and with Non-cooperation propaganda it became difficult to distinguish between a Non cooperation meeting and a kisan meeting. In Malabar in Kerala, Non cooperation and Khilafat propaganda helped to arouse the Muslims tenants against their landlords. Charkhas were popularized on a wide scale and khadi became the uniform of the national movement. Defiance of forest laws became popular in Andhra. Peasants and tribals in some of the Rajasthan states began movements for securing better conditions of life. 4. Akali movement In Punjab, the Akali Movement for taking control of the gurudwaras from the corrupt mahants (priests) was a part of the general movement of Non-cooperation, and the Akalis observed strict non-violence in the face of tremendous repression. The most successful item of the programmed was the boycott of foreign cloth. Volunteers would go from house to house collecting clothes made of foreign cloth, and the entire community would collect to light a bonfire of the good. The value of imports of foreign cloth fell from Rs. 102 crore in 1920-21 to Rs. 57 crore in 1921-22. 5. Picketing of toddy shops Government revenues showed considerable decline on this count. The educational boycott was particularly successful in Bengal, where the students in Calcutta triggered off a province-wide strike to force the managements of their institutions to disaffiliate themselves from the Government. Movement was spread almost to all parts of India. It was a truly mass movement where lakhs of Indians participated in the open protest against the government through peaceful means. It shook the British government who were stumped by the extent of the movement. It saw participation from both Hindus and Muslims thereby showcasing communal harmony in the country. This movement established the popularity of the Congress Party among the people. As a result of this movement, people became conscious of their political rights. They were not afraid of the government. Hordes of people thronged to jails willingly. The Indian merchants and mill owners enjoyed good profits during this period as a result of the boycott of British goods. Khadi was promoted. 6. The Chauri Chaura Incident Gandhiji was against the use of violent methods and movements. He called off the Non-Cooperation Movement abruptly due to the Chauri Chaura incident in which 22 policemen were killed when a crowd of peasants set fire to the police station in February 1922. 7. The Rowlatt Satyagraha In 1919, Gandhiji launched an anti-Rowlatt Satyagraha, which received a countrywide response. April 6, 1919 was observed as the day of “humiliation and prayers” and hartal (strike). Satyagraha Sabhas were held throughout the country. 8. The Rowlatt Act The Britishers passed the Rowlatt Act in India, under which people could be imprisoned without trial. This act was called the ‘Black Act’. This strengthened the power of the police. 9. Civil Disobedience Movement Civil disobedience is the active, professed refusal of a citizen to obey certain laws, demands, orders or commands of a government In India, Civil disobedience movement was a landmark event in the Indian Nationalist movement. In many ways, the civil disobedience movement is credited for paving the way for freedom in India. The Lahore Congress (1929) left the choice of the precise methods of non-violent struggle for Purna Swaraj to Gandhi It was resolved that a Manifesto or pledge of Independence would be taken all over India by as many people as possible on 26 January 1930. On this day Civil disobedience was supposed to commence and It was declared Independence Day 10. Dandi March Gandhi took the decision to start the movement. On 12 March 1930 Gandhi started the Historic Salt March from his Sabarmati Ashram to Dandi beach accompanied by his 78 selected followers. There Gandhi and his followers broke the law by manufacturing salt from the sea. The Programmed of the movement was as follows: a) Salt law should be violated everywhere. b) Students should leave colleges and government servants should resign from service. c) Foreign clothes should be burnt. d) No taxes should be paid to the government. e) Women should stage a Dharna at liquor shops, etc. Thus, the historic march, marking the launch of the Civil Disobedience Movement, began on March 12, and Gandhi broke the salt law by picking up a lump of salt at Dandi on April 6. 11. Quit India Movement Mahatma Gandhi decided to initiate a new phase of the movement against the British in the middle of the Second World War. The British must quit India immediately, he told them. To the people, he said, do or die in your effort to fight the British but you must fight non-violently. Gandhiji and other leaders were jailed at once but the movement spread. It especially attracted peasants and the youth who gave up their studies to join it. Communications and symbols of state authority were attacked all over the country. In many areas, the people set up their own governments. August Kranti, or August Movement, is another name for the Quit India Movement. Mahatma Gandhi launched the Bharat Chhodo Andolan, or Quit India movement, on August 8, 1942, with the rallying cry "do or die." The Cripps mission failed in April 1942. In less than four months, the Indian people's third great mass struggle for independence began. The Quit India movement is the name given to this struggle. During World War II, Mahatma Gandhi's All India Congress Committee in Bombay passed a resolution supporting the Quit India Movement on August 8, 1942. This resolution stated that the immediate end of British rule in India was necessary for the sake of India and the success of the cause of freedom and democracy, which the UN countries were fighting against fascist Germany, Italy, and Japan for. Communalism in Indian Politics Communalism in India is result of the emergence of modern politics, which has its roots in partition of Bengal in 1905 and feature of separate electorate under Government of India Act, 1909. Later, British government also appeased various communities through Communal award in 1932, which faced strong resistance from Gandhi ji and others. All these acts were done by the British government to appease Muslims and other communities, for their own political needs. This feeling of communalism has deepened since then, fragmenting the Indian society and being a cause of unrest.(by Communal award colonial government mandated that consensus over any issue among different communities (i.e. Hindu, Muslims, Sikhs and others) is precondition for any further political development) Communal consciousness arose as a result of the transformation of Indian society under the impact of colonialism and the need to struggle against it. Stages in Indian Communalism and how it spread India is a land of diversity. And it is known for lingual, ethnic, cultural and racial diversity. As, we have discussed above, communalism in India is a modern phenomenon, which has become threat to India’s Unity in Diversity. We will see the various stages:- First stage was rise of nationalist Hindu, Muslim, Sikh, etc. with only first element of communalism as discussed above. Roots of this were led in later part of 19th century with Hindu revivalist movement like Shuddhi movement of Arya Samaj and Cow protection riots of 1892. On the other hand movements like Faraizi movement started Haji Shariatullah in Bengal to bring the Bengali Muslims back on the true path of Islam, was one of the religious reform movement which had bearing on communalism in 19th century. Later people like Syed Ahmed Khan, who despite of having scientific and rational approach, projected Indian Muslims as a separate community (qaum) having interest different from others. Second stage was of Liberal communalism, it believed in communal politics but liberal in democratic, humanist and nationalist values. It was basically before 1937. For example organisations like Hindu Mahasabha, Muslim League and personalities like M.A. Jinnah, M M Malviya, Lala Lajpat Rai after 1920s Third was the stage of Extreme Communalism, this had a fascist syndrome. It demanded for separate nation, based on fear and hatred. There was tendency to use violence of language, deed and behaviour. For example Muslim League and Hindu Mahasabha after 1937. It spread as a by-product of colonialism, economic stagnations and absence of modern institutions of education and health. These factors caused competition, people started using nepotism (patronage bestowed or favouritism shown on the basis of family relationship, as in business and politics), paying bribes to get job, etc. Short term benefits from communalism started giving validity to communal politics. Later on, spread of education to peasant and small landlords gave rise to new middle class, as agriculture was becoming stagnant. So, these people started demanding communal representation and this way, social base for communalism widened. Middle class oscillated between anti-imperialism and communalism. Communalism, started rooting deeply, as it was an expression of aspiration and interest of middle class for less opportunity. From very beginning upper caste Hindus dominated colonial services as they adapted early to colonial structure. Because of Mughal rule and 1857 revolt, colonial government was suspicious towards Muslims and they patronized Hindus. This resulted in resentment in Muslims in late 19th century and they then formed a pressure group under Sir Sayed Ahmed Kahn to bargain as a separate community. In contrast Congress standpoint was always focused on ‘rights and freedom of individual’ not on a particular community. Communalism represented a struggle between two upper classes / strata for power, privileges and economic gain. For Example- In western Punjab at that time, Muslim landlord opposed Hindu moneylenders. In eastern Bengal, Muslim jotedars opposed Hindu zamindars. Later on, communalism developed as weapon of economically and politically reactionary social classes and political forces. Divide and Rule Communalism was a channel for providing service to colonialism and the jagirdari class (land officials). British authorities supported communal feelings and divided Indian society for their authoritative ruling. As we have already discussed above about separate electorate, like that official patronage and favor having communal biasness was very common. Communal press & persons and agitations were shown extraordinary tolerance. Communal demands were accepted, thus politically strengthening communal organizations. British started accepting communal organizations and leaders as the real spokesperson of communities and adopted a policy of non-action against communalism. In fact, for the same reasons even the communal riots were not crushed. Separate electorate started in 1909 to communal award in 1932 fulfilled the wishes of British authorities of ruling India by dividing the societies on communal lines. The Two-Nation Theory, Negotiations over Partition The two-nation theory is an ideology of religious nationalism which significantly influenced the Indian subcontinent following its independence from the British Empire. The plan to partition British India into two states was announced on 3rd June 1947. These two states would be India and Pakistan. According to this theory, Indian Muslims and Indian Hindusare two separate nations, with their own customs, religion, and traditions; therefore, from social and moral points of view, Muslims should be able to have their own separate homeland outside of Hindu-majority India. The ideology that religion is the determining factor in defining the nationality of Indian Muslims was undertaken by Muhammad Ali Jinnah. The partition of Bengal in 1905 served as the first act of the British towards breaking Hindu Muslim unity. The later introduction of the Morley Minto reforms in 1909 proved to be a critical juncture in struggle against colonial domination in India. The reforms introduced a system under which separate electorates were formed, where in only Muslims could vote for Muslim candidates in constituencies reserved for them. By so doing the British wanted to promote the idea that the political, economic and cultural interests of the Muslims and Hindus were separate. Then, the Montagu Chelmsford reforms or the Government of India Act 1919 in addition to the reserved seats for Muslims. Later, Hindu-Muslim unity began to bond with the coming of Non-cooperation Movement in 1919, by rallying on the Khilafat issue. However, Following the Chauri Chaura incident(1922) where some British policemen were killed due to some action initiated by the participants of the Non-Cooperation movement, the movement itself was called off by Gandhiji. So, now the Muslim leaders felt betrayed since their cause of revolting against the removal of the Caliphate was left unfinished due to the calling off of the movement. From that time on, the differences between the Hindus and the Muslims only increased over a period of time and eventually became irreconcilable. In 1930, Muhammad Iqbal became the leader of the Muslim League in 1930 and for the first time articulated a demand for a separate Muslim state. He argued that Muslims and Hindus constituted two different nations in themselves and were incompatible. At this time, the congress rejected this theory and argued in favour of a united India, based on unity between different religious groups. Further, the policy of the British to divide and rule got exemplified in the Communal Award of 1932. This policy further strengthened the provisions for separate electorates. The Cripps Mission in 1942 suggested that India be granted a Dominion status under the British Empire. The Mission did not accept the demand for Pakistan but allowed for a provision whereby provinces could secede from the Indian Union. But, the Congress and the Muslim League interpreted this in their own unique ways. Eventually, on the 16th August 1946 Jinnah declared Direct Action Day and the Muslim League raised the demand for an independent Pakistan. There were communal tensions amongst the Hindus and the Muslims in places including Calcutta, Madras, Bombay, Bihar, Punjab In 1947, Mountbatten agreed with the Muslim League’s demand for an independent Pakistan but he also saw merit in the Congress’s demand for unity. He was asked by the British government to explore options of creating a united India or the option of partition However, the unity signs did not find place, and as a result India and Pakistan dominions were created in 1947. The British Colonial state chose to strengthen its power in India by adopting the strategy of dividing social groups and pitting them against each other The British said that in order to deal with the problem of Hindu-Muslim discord and in order to avert the threat of Hindu majoritarianism, it was critical to give special representation rights to the minorities. As a result, the colonial policies led to communal practices in following ways: Firstly, communities were separated and defined on grounds of religious affiliation. This meant that Muslims, Hindus, Sikhs etc. were treated as separate communities and were given representational rights accordingly. Further these communities were believed to be completely different and hostile to each other. Thus, it was argued that only the representatives of each community could represent the interests of that community. Thirdly, the British readily accepted the communal spokespersons as the sole representatives of their communities. Towards the end of the British rule, Jinnah was seen as the sole spokesperson of the Muslims in Colonial India, in spite of the fact that other Muslim leaders were present within the Muslim League and in the Congress who were opposed to the idea of Partition. Thus, it is evident that Communalism could not have flourished the way it did, without the support of the British Colonial state. Thus, the policy of Divide and Rule lead to communalism and further, extreme communalism led to Partition. The dilemmas and decisions of the Congress The Indian national movement succeeded in forming an alliance between some classes and communities and in acquiring independence from the British, but it failed to create unity which could have prevented Partition. So, what happened in 1947 was a result of the collapse of negotiations between the Congress and the Muslim League. Essentially the Congress did not vouch for Partition of India. Congress leaders wanted the British to transfer power to a united India. One of the reasons for accepting the demand for Pakistan was that the Congress leaders came to the conclusion that the demand was based on ‘popular will’ Also, the Congress leadership agreed to Partition was also because they saw it as a sort of temporary measure It was thought by some that after passions subsided, people would see the futility of Partition and would want to re-unite. Further, the Congress accepted the proposal for Partition in the hope that it would finally help in ending the wide spread communal violence prevalent in Colonial India in 1946-47 The Congress could have opted to oppose the demand for Partition through use of force but this was against its democratic ideals. So, When dialogue and negotiations with the Muslim League failed and the Interim government didn’t succeed, the Congress accepted the demand for Pakistan Still, the Congress tried to pressurize the British to transfer power to a united India but didn’t succeed in the endeavor primarily because of its inability to forge a united front with the Muslim League representatives. Eventually, inevitable circumstances led to partition of India into two dominions. However, it all didn’t end here. It was followed by a serious aftermath of communal tensions across the two regions, disturbing peace and stability soon after Independence from British in 1947.

Introduction There are three types of social movements: Redemptive or Transformative: this Movement aims to change the personal consciousness of its members. An example of this would be alcoholic anonymous. It seeks to help an alcoholic overcome his addiction to drinking. Reformist Movement: these types of movements strive to change the existing political and social arrangements gradually. Some examples of these types of Movement would be Arya Samaj and Brahmo Samaj. Revolutionary Movement: These types of movements are radical. A revolutionary movement attempts to transform social relations by capturing state power radically. An example of this would be the Bolshevik Revolution of May 1920 that dethroned the Tsar to create a communist state. In India, the Naxalite Movement can be counted as a revolutionary movement. Peasant Movements 1. Indigo Revolt (1859-60) Indigo was recognized as a chief cash crop for the East India Company’s investments. It is also known as ‘Nil Bidroho’ All categories of the rural population, missionaries, the Bengal intelligentsia and Muslims. This indigo revolt gave birth to a political movement and stimulated national sentiment against the British rulers among Indian masses. 2. Rangpur Dhing (1783) Rangpur uprising took place in Bengal It is called the first tough peasant rebellion against the rule of the East India Company. It evidently uncovered the evils like Ijaradari scheme related to the system of colonial exploitation. It paved the way for formulating a land settlement that would be permanent in nature The rebellion spread over a significant area, including Ranchi, Hazaribagh, Palamau and Manbhum. After two years of strong confrontation, they lost to modern weapons of the British. 3. Kol Rebellion (1832) The Kols and other tribes enjoyed independence underneath their chiefs but the British entry threatened their independence. The handover of tribal lands and the encroachment of moneylenders, merchants and British laws generated a lot of pressure. The Kol tribal planned an insurgency in 1831-32 which was engaged primarily against Government officers and private money-lenders. 4. Mappila Rebellion in Malabar (1841-1920) Mappila uprising was sequences of rebellions by the Mappila Muslims of Malabar region of Kerala. The main causes were, increase in land tax, the security of tenure and exploitation of the poor peasantry by the landlords. The revolt goes fell into the trap of Hindu-Muslim riot. During this period there was Khilafat movement was raised for the fulfilment of freedom for Muslims. The 1921 uprising was a manifestation of long-lasting agrarian dissatisfaction, which was only strengthened by the religious and ethnic uniqueness and by their political alienation. 5. Santhal Rebellion (1855) It was a native rebellion in present-day Jharkhand against both the British colonial authority and zamindari system by the Santhal people It was planned by four Murmu brothers -Sidhu, Kahnu, Chand and Bhairav The rebellion was suppressed thoroughly and largely shadowed by that of the other rebellions. 6. Deccan Uprising (1875) Along with the Permanent Settlement, the British extended their presence beyond Bengal. Ryotwari Settlement was the revenue system that was introduced in the Bombay Deccan region The revolt started in Poona and henceforth it spread to Ahmednagar. This uprising also involved a social boycott of the moneylender. 7. Munda Ulgulan (1899- 1900) Birsa Munda-led this movement in the region south of Ranchi The Mundas conventionally enjoyed a special rent rate as the original clearer (Khuntkatti) of the forest. But this was eroded by the jagirdars and thikadars arrived as traders and moneylenders. As a result of this rebellion, the government enacted the Chotanagpur Tenancy Act 1908, recognized Khuntkatti rights, banned Beth Begari (forced labour) 8. Narkelberia Uprising (1782-1831) Led by Titu Mir/ Mir Nithar Ali In West Bengal against landlords, mainly Hindu, who imposed a beard-tax on the Faraizis, and British indigo planters merged into the Wahabi movement 9. The Pagal Panthis Led by Karam Shah To fight the oppression of the zamindars. 10. Telangana Movement (1946-52) The Telangana Movement (1946-52) of Andhra Pradesh was fought against the feudal oppression of the rulers and local landowners. The agrarian social structure of Hyderabad emerged to be very oppressive in the 1920s and thereafter. In rural Telangana’s political economy, the jagirdars and deshmukhs, locally known as dora, played a dominant role. Consequences The impact of peasant movements in India are discussed briefly below: Though these revolts were not aimed at uprooting the British rule from India, they created awareness among the Indians. The peasants developed a strong awareness of their legal rights and asserted them in and outside the courts. Peasants emerged as the main force in agrarian movements, fighting directly for their own demands. Various Kisan Sabhas were formed to organize and agitate for peasant’s demands during Non-Cooperation Movement. These movements eroded the power of the landed class, thus adding to the transformation of the agrarian structure. Peasants felt a need to organize and fight against exploitation and oppression. These rebellious movements prepared the ground for various other uprisings across the country. Workers Movement Rise of Working Class: The modern working class arose in India with the introduction of capitalism in the 19th century under colonial dispensation. It was a modern working class in the sense of relatively modern organization of labor and a relatively free market for labor. This development was due to the establishment of modern factories, railways, dockyards and construction activities relating to roads and buildings. Plantations and railways were the initial enterprises to herald the era of colonial capitalism in Indian subcontinent. Industrialization in India: Port cities Bombay, Calcutta and Madras became the centers of the capitalist economy. Cotton mills in Bombay, jute mills in Calcutta, and several factories in Madras were set up in the late 19th century. Similar developments took place in the cities of Ahmedabad, Kanpur, Solapur and Nagpur. The first jute mill of India was set up in Calcutta in 1854 by a Scottish entrepreneur. The ownership of the cotton mills was with the Indian entrepreneurs, while that of jute was with the foreigners for a long time. Workers’ Movement in Pre-Independence India Initial Attempts to Improve Workers’ Conditions: Attempts were made in 1870-1880 to better the working conditions of the workers by legislation. Till the Swadeshi surge of 1903-08, there was no concerted effort to better the working conditions of the labor. Again between 1915-1922, there was resurgence of workers’ movement along with the Home Rule Movement and the Non-Cooperation Movement. The earlier attempts to improve the economic conditions of the workers were in the nature of philanthropic efforts which were isolated, sporadic and aimed at specific local grievances. Workers’ Movements before the Emergence of Trade Unions: 1. Plantation and Mine Workers The plantation and mine workers were heavily exploited but their conditions did not attract much attention initially as they were away from the notice of early social reformers, journalists and public activists. Despite this isolation, the plantation workers, on their own, registered their protests against the exploitation and oppression by the plantation owners and managers. Industrial Workers: The cotton and jute industry workers were more in the public gaze. The early social workers and philanthropists were also involved with them facilitating better organizational work as well as better reporting and public support. 2. Formation of Organizations: In Bengal, Sasipada Banerjee founded the ‘Working Men’s Club’ in 1870 and started publishing a monthly journal in Bengali entitled ‘Bharat Shramjibi’ in 1874. The Brahmo Samaj formed the ‘Working Men’s Mission’ in Bengal in 1878 to impart moral education among the workers. It also established the ‘Working Men’s Institution’ in 1905. In 1890 in Maharashtra, N.M. Lokhandey established the ‘Bombay Millhands’ Association’, and in 1898, he started publishing a journal entitled ‘Dinbandhu’ in Marathi. The Bombay Millhands Defense Association formed by Bal Gangadhar Tilak in 1908. However, these bodies were primarily interested in welfare activities and did not have much organizational base among the workers. Emergence and Growth of Trade Unions: Cause of Emergence: The trade unions emerged in India after World War I. The main factors that led to the emergence of trade unions include: Rising prices of essential commodities. Decline in the real wages of workers. Increase in the demand for the industrial products resulting in the expansion of Indian industries. Gandhi's call for the Non-Cooperation Movement. The Russian Revolution. Formation of Trade Unions The Madras Labor Union, formed in April 1918, is generally considered to be the first trade union in India. B.P. Wadia, a nationalist leader and an associate of Annie Besant, was instrumental for its organization. The Textile Labor Association, also known as Majur Mahajan Sangh, was established in Ahmedabad in 1920. The union was formed following the agitation of mill workers of Ahmedabad demanding for a bonus to compensate for the rise in prices. This union worked along Gandhian lines and became very strong over the years. Workers’ Movement in Post-Independence India Formation of New Unions: The post-independence period saw the formation of a number of trade unions such as Bhartiya Mazdoor Sangh (BMS) and Centre of Indian Trade Unions (CITU ) CITU was formed by Communist Party of India (Marxist), splitting from AITUC. Legislations Framed: The Industrial Dispute Act, 1947 and Labor Relations Bill and Trade Unions Bills, 1949 were introduced. Decline in Strikes: Between 1947-1960, the condition of the working class improved and there was a decline in the number of strikes. Economic Recession: The period of late 1960s saw decline in the wages of the working class; as a result, disputes in the industrial front increased. New Economic Policy, 1991: It introduced LPG (Liberalization, Privatization and Globalization). Liberalization deteriorated the bargaining position of the workers vis-à-vis capital. The policy provided no statutory minimum wages for labor. It gave the employers the complete right to hire and fire. Tribal Movement The following three phases are used to categories tribal movements: The First Phase (1795-1860): It happened at the same time as the British Empire’s emergence, growth, and establishment. The top class of tribal society, led by the traditional group whose privileges had been curtailed by colonialism in India, produced the leadership. Major tribal uprisings in this phase were: the Kols Uprising, Santhal uprising, Khond uprising and Early Munda uprising. The Second Phase (1860-1920): It includes the Koya Rebellion and the Birsamunda-led Munda Uprising. The Third Phase (1920-1947): It comprises the Chenchu tribal movement, the Rampa rebellion, and the Tanabhagat/Oraon Movement. 1. Bhil Uprising (1818-1831) Bhils belonged to the Khandesh region of Maharashtra. In 1818, the British made their way into the area and began encroaching on the Bhil territories. The native Bhil Tribe was in no way prepared to accept any British changes made on their land. As a result they revolted against the foreigners on the land. The reason for the uprising was the brutal treatment of the Bhils at the hands of the East India Company who denied them their traditional forest rights and exploited them. The British responded by sending a force to suppress the rebellion. But the revolt was not in vain, as the British gave concessions to various taxes and returned forest rights as part of the peace settlement. 2. Ramosi Uprising (1822- 1829) Ramosis were hill tribes of the western ghats. They resented the British policy of annexation and rose against the Britishers under the leadership of Chittur Singh. The new British Administration system, which the tribal people thought to be extremely unfair to them and left them with no other option than to rise against the Britishers for, was the primary cause of this insurrection. They plundered the regions around the Satara. The revolt continued till 1829, after which the British restored order in the region. Britishers followed a pacifist policy towards the Ramosis and some of them were recruited in the hill police. 3. Kol Rebellion (1832) Kol uprising is one of the most well-known revolutions against the British government. The Kols were one of the tribes inhabiting the Chhotanagpur area. They lived in complete autonomy under their traditional chiefs but this changed when the British came. Along with the British came the outsiders. The colonial government also introduced the concept of non-tribal moneylenders, zamindars and traders. The Kols then lost their lands to farmers from outside and also had to pay huge amounts of money in taxes. This led to many becoming bonded laborer's. To this the British judicial policies also caused resentment among the Kols. There was an insurrection in 1831-32 which saw the Kols organize themselves under Buddho Bhagat and revolt against the British and the moneylenders. They killed many outsiders and burned houses. This armed resistance went on for two years after which it was brutally suppressed by the British with their superior weaponry. The Kol Rebellion was so intense that troops had to be called in from Calcutta and Benares to crush it. 4. Santhal Uprising (1855- 1856) The Khonds inhabited the mountainous regions that ran from Bengal to Tamil Nadu as well as the central provinces. Due to the impassable hilly terrain, they were entirely independent before the British arrived. Between 1837 to 1856, they rose against the British for their exploitation of forest practices, led by Chakra Bisoi, who adopted the name “Young Raja.” Tribal people from the Ghumusar, Kalahandi, and Patna regions took part in the uprising. The British attempt to outlaw the practice of “Mariah” (Sacrifice) and the subsequent introduction of new taxes, as well as the influx of Zamindars and Sahukars (Moneylenders), were the main causes of their uprising. Using bow-and-arrows, swords, and axes, the Kols rose up in rebellion against the British-created “Maria Agency.“ Additionally, some local militia clans led by Radha Krishna Dand Sena helped them. The insurrection finally came to an end in 1955 when Chakra Bisoi was taken, prisoner. 5. Munda Rebellion (1899- 1900) One of the most well-known revolutions against the pervasive British Rule in the nation was the early Munda revolt. The Mundas inhabited the Chotanagpur area. This uprising is also known as the Ulgulan revolt which means “great commotion”. Between 1789 and 1832, the Mundas revolted around seven times against the oppression brought on by moneylenders and the British Government. The Khuntkatti system, which was a joint holding of land, prevailed among the Mundas. But the advent of the British and the outsider Zamindars replaced the Khunkatti with the Zamindari system. This caused indebtedness and forced labour among the tribals. Its movement was known as Sardariladai, or “War of the Leaders,” and their main goal was the eviction of outsiders, or “dikus.” Many Mundas joined the “Evangelical Lutheran Mission” after 1857 in the hopes of a brighter future. However, as they realised that these missionaries couldn’t give them any long-term benefits, many apostates rebelled against this mission and became even more hostile. They sought to establish the Munda traditional chiefs’ dominance over their domains. But, every time they were without a charismatic leader, their movement waned. However, the Mundas were able to get an able and charismatic leader in Birsa Munda who proclaimed a rebellion in 1894. He organised his people to revolt openly against the government. He urged people to stop paying debts and taxes. He was arrested and spent 2 years in jail before being released in 1897. In December 1899, he launched an armed struggle against the landlords and the government. The Mundas torched police stations, houses of the landlords, churches and British property. In 1900 Birsa Munda was caught. He died in jail due to cholera aged just 25. 6. Koya Uprising (1879- 1880) Assisted by Khonda Sara commanders, the Koyas of the eastern Godavari track (now Andhra) revolted in 1803, 1840, 1845, 1858, 1861, and 1862. They rose once again under Tomma Sora in 1879–1880. They complained about being persecuted by the police and moneylenders, new limitations and the denial of their historical rights to forest areas. Following the passing of Tomma Sora, Raja Anantayyar led a new uprising in 1886. 7. Khasi Uprising (1830) The hilly areas between the Garo and Jaintia Hills were occupied by the British when the Burmese war was ended. The colonial government planned to construct a road that would cross the entire country and connect the Brahmaputra valley with the Sylhet region, Khasi area. The Khasis rebelled under the leadership of a Khasi chief named Tirut Singh as a result of the conscription of laborer's for road building. They were joined by the Garo. The four-year-long, battle with the Khasis was eventually brutally put an end to in the early months of 1833. Women Movements The women’s movements in the colonial period are mainly of two different concerns: Social reform movements Nationalist movements The colonial intervention in the 19th century intruded into the areas of our culture and society and this affected transformation in our social fabric. This potential threat was sensed by the Indian intellectual reformers, exposed to western ideas and values. At this juncture, the Indian intellectual reformer sensitive to the power of colonial domination and responding to Western ideas of rationalism and liberalism sought ways and means of resisting this colonial hegemony. 1. BRAHMO SAMAJ The brahmo samaj was founded in Calcutta in 1828. It is based on the belief in one omniscient god. RAJA RAM MOHAN ROY was the founder of Brahmo samaj. Brahmo samaj has contributed to India’s contemporary renaissance. There were 3 distinct groups in Bengal in 1880s; radicals, reformers, and conservatives. Raja Ram Mohan Roy saw the dreadful conditions of women unnecessary rituals like sati purdah system child marriage widow remarriage education for women fought against prevailing superstitions among Hindus 2. Widow Remarriage Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagr worked towards propagating widow remarriage. The child marriage evil resulted in large numbers of young girls ending up as widows whose lives were miserable due to the severe restrictions imposed on them. He argued in favour of widow remarriage and published his work on “Widow Remarriage” in 1853. The efforts of Vidya Sagar, Keshub Chandra Sen and D. K. Karve resulted in the enactment of widow remarriage act of 1856. In the South Kandukuri Veeresalingam led the widow remarriage movement. 3. Saraswathi and Compulsory education for Girls Arya Samaj was established by him in 1875. He emphasised compulsory education of both boys and girls. A series of schools for women- Arya Kanya Patasalas – were the first concerted effort of the Samaj to promote women’s education in a systematic way. Both Brahmo Samaj and Prarthana Samaj made forceful efforts to prove that Hindu religious tradition were not the source of legitimacy for the sorrowful condition of women in society. Under the influence of the liberal thought of the west the two Samajs strove to restore to women their dignified status. 4. Age of girls at marriage In the 19th century the average age of marriage for girls was 8 or 9. The extensive propaganda by Vidya Sagar and other reformers in this regard led the British government to legislate in order to improve the condition of minor girls and the age of consent bill was passed in 1860 Further social reformers like Mahadev Govind Ranade, Behramji Malabari and Tej Bahadur Sapru in their attempts to raise the age of marriage cited several cases of consummation at the age of 10 or 11 which led to serious physical and psychological disturbances. Behramji, a Parsi journalist published his notes on infant marriage and enforced widowhood in 1884 suggesting certain reforms to be adopted in the educational institutions to discourage child marriage and also suggested some corrective measures to the Government. At last due to the collective efforts of the reformers in 1891, the Bill known as the Age of Consent was passed, which rose the marriageable age for girls to 12 years. 5. Female Education The social reformers felt that through female education the social evils that were linked to the issue of preserving and strengthening basic family structure could be eliminated and good wives and mothers could emerge from the same. Between 1855 and 1858 while he was inspector of schools, Vidya Sagar established 48 girls’ schools. M. G. Ranado along with his wife propagated female education and started a girls’ high school in 1884. The limited enforcement and practicability of legislations like widow remarriage act of 1856 and others in a tradition bound society was recognised by D. K. Karve, who, therefore, concentrated his efforts on promoting education among widows. In 1896 Karve along with 15 of his colleagues founded the Ananth Balikashram for the education of widows He also started Mahila Vidyalaya in 1907 and S.N. D. T. Women’s University in 1916 a separate educational institution for women so as to lessen the resistance of orthodox section with regard to women’s education. 6. Property rights for Hindu women The existing practice was particularly harsh on the Hindu widow who had no claim on her husband’s property except the right at maintenance Raja Ram Mohan Roy suggested that the government should enact and enforce laws to remove these disabilities and bring economic freedom and self-reliance. As a result of such efforts, special marriage act of 1872 with its provision for divorce and succession to property to women was passed. As a result of the social reform movement of the 19th century, the social evils were eliminated and opportunities were provided to women for their education. The expansion of women’s education and their admission to educational institutions had produced a sizable number of English educated middle class women by the late 19th century- and they made their presence felt in political activities Till 1919, the national movement was limited to the urban upper class and it was later with Gandhi’s entrance into the national movement, participation of the masses began to take place. In this phase, political developments and women’s participation in the National movement went hand in hand. 7. The partition of Bengal in 1905 This resulted in the launching of Swadeshi movement by the nationalists. Though there was the absence of mass awakening amongst the women, but meetings were arranged and khadi spinnings were taken up by women. Women contributed their bangles, nose rings and bracelets to the national fund. In villages, women starte The women workers of the Arya Samaj were also responsible for arousing national spirit among the people. This Swadeshi period marked the formation of several women’s organisations. Sarala Devi took steps to organize the women’s movement and its nucleus in the form of Bharat Stri Maha Mandal in Lahore in 1910. Parvati Devi, the headmistress of a Hindu girls’ school at Kanchi a small town in the Madras presidency started Kanchi Mahila Parishad to equip women of Kanchi with knowledge to create public opinion over burning issues of the nation. 8. Setting up of Home Rule League The period from 1911-18 is of great significance in the history of Indian national movement because for the first time a woman Annie Besant led the national movement as president of Indian National Congress. (Calcutta Session 1917) It was due to women like Annie Besant that organized movement for the emancipation of women took place and the demand for political rights for women came to be firmly established on the political agenda. 9. Entry of Gandhiji The entry of Mahatma Gandhi with his experience altered the national politics dramatically. He realized the importance of mass base to Indian nationalism. Gandhian style of mass mobilization had implications for the Indian women’s movement in as much as increasing number of women were sought to be mobilized for participation in the independent movement. When Gandhi launched an all India Satyagraha in 1919 against the provocative enactment of the Rowlatt Act, Women took out processions, propagated the use of Khadi and even courted jail. Further, the non-cooperation movement awakened the women of all sections and imparted first lessons in Satyagraha. 10. Struggle for Suffrage From the beginning, the Indian women’s movement approached the suffrage campaign as a measure to achieve social reform. The leaders believed that enfranchisement of women would mean additional support for reform legislation. After the struggle for franchise, for the first time, Indian women exercised their vote in the elections of 1926. 11. Dandi March 1930 A large number of women including Sarojini Naidu, actively took part in the Dandi March. Women participated by breaking salt laws, forest laws taking out processions, picketing schools, colleges, legislative councils and clubs. Further, In 1931 Sarojini Naidu attended the Second Round Table Conference as an official representative of the women of India. 12. Civil Disobedience Movement of 1930 During this phase, Kamala Devi Chattopadhyaya addressed meetings and picketed foreign cloth and liquor shops. She was incharge of the women’s wing of the Hindustan Seva Dal. 13. Government of India Act 1935 The inauguration of provincial autonomy under the India Act of 1935 gave women an opportunity to be elected to the state legislatures and also become administrators. 14. Quit India Movement 1942 During this phase, Men leaders were arrested in the first round up and in their absence women carried on the movement and bore the burnt of the British wrath The women not only led processions and held demonstrations, but also organized camps in which they were given training in civil duties and first aid and were educated on democracy. Women organized political prisoners’ relief fund while some women went underground and directed the movement secretly. 15. Azad Hind Fauj In the Indian National Army of Subhash Chandra Bose, Rani Jhansi Regiment was created for women. Women were trained in nursing, social service and to use weapons. Thus, it was primarily due to the efforts of women and their role in the freedom struggle that women got the right to vote and complete equality in the constitution of India. However a great gap arose between the theoretical status of women and their rights and what existed in reality. Dalit Movements The term Dalit was first used by Jyotirao Phule for the oppressed classes or untouchable castes of the Hindu. The Dalit movement began as a protest movement, to bring socio-political transformation in the status of Dalits in India. The Dalits were isolated, fragmented and oppressed by the hegemony of Upper Caste culture. With Maturity of time, the new polity, the postmodern administrative framework, the rational judicial system, the current forms of land tenure and taxation, the new patterns of trade, the liberal education system, and the network of communications emphasized the spirit of liberty, equality and social justice for Dalits. So, Dalit movement is basically a social revolution aimed for social change, replacing the age old hierarchical Indian society, and is based on the democratic ideals of liberty, equality and social justice. Pre-Independence Movements 1. Bhakti Movement This movement in 15th century was a popular movement which treated all sections of society equally and it developed two traditions of Saguna and Nirguna. The Saguna tradition advocated equality among all the castes though it subscribed to the Varnashram dharma and the caste social order. The followers of Nirguna believed in formless universal God. Ravidas and Kabir were the major figures of this tradition. It became more popular among the dalits in urban area in the early 20th century as it provided the possibility of salvation for all. It also promised social equality. Hence, the teachings of Bhakti movement inspired and motivated scheduled castes for the beginning of dalit movement. These provided the means to protest against orthodox Hinduism for future generations of Dalits. 2. Neo-Vedantik Movements These movements were initiated by Hindu religious and social reformers. These movements attempted to remove untouchability by taking the Dalits into the fold of the caste system. According to the pioneers of these movements, untouchability was not an essential part of Hinduism and, for that matter, of the caste system. Dayanand Saraswathi, the founder of the Arya Samaj, believed that the caste system was a political institution created by the rulers ‘for the common good of society, and not a natural or religious distinction’. The neo-Vedantic movements and non-Brahmin movements played an important catalytic role in developing anti-caste or anti Hinduism Dalit movements in some parts of the country. The Satyashodhak Samaj and the self-respect movements in Maharashtra and Tamil Nadu, the Adhi Dharma and Adi Andhra movement in Bengal and Adi-Hindu movement in Uttar Pradesh are important anti-untouchability movements which were launched in the last quarter of the 19th and the early part of 20th century Consequently, the Dalits began to call themselves Adi-Andhra's in Andhra, Adi- Karnataka's in Karnataka, Adi-Dravidas in Tamil Nadu, Adi-Hindus in Uttar Pradesh and Adi-Dharmas in Punjab. Further, Dalits also followed the route of conversion with a purpose of getting rid of untouchability and to develop their social and financial conditions. Other prominent movements in this category include: Adi Dravidas movement in Tamil Nadu Shri Narayan Dharma Paripalan movement in Kerala Nair Movement in 1861 3. Sanskritization Movement Sanskritization is a process by which “a low or middle Hindu caste, or tribal or other group, changes its customs, ritual ideology, and way of life in the direction of a high-born caste In this perspective Dalit leaders followed the process of ’Sanskritization’ to elevate themselves to the higher position in caste hierarchy. They adopted Upper Caste manners, including vegetarianism, putting sandalwood paste on forehead, wearing sacred thread, etc. This process was evident in the following movements: Adi-Dharma movement in the Punjab (organized 1926); The movement under Ambedkar in Maharashtra, mainly based among Mahars which had its organizational beginnings in 1924; The Namashudra movement in Bengal; The Adi-Dravida movement in Tamil Nadu; The Adi-Karnataka movement; The Adi Hindu movement mainly centered around Kanpur in U.P; and The organizing of the Pulayas and Cherumans in Kerala. 4. Dalit Literary Movements At a time, when there was no means of communication to support the Dalits, pen was the only solution. Given the Upper Castes would never allow the Dalits voice to be expressed, as it would be a threat for their own survival, the Dalits began their own magazine and began to express their own experiences. Dalit literature, the literature produced by the Dalit consciousness, emerged initially during the Mukti movement. The Mukti movement was led by very poor Dalits who fought against the saint – poets of the time. These literature argued that Dalit Movement fights not only against the Brahmins, but all those people whoever practices exploitation, and those can be the Brahmins or even the Dalits themselves. New revolutionary songs, poems, stories, autobiographies were written by Dalit writers. These were sung in every village, poem and other writings were read by the entire community. Baburao Bagul (1930–2008) is considered as a pioneer of Marathi Dalit writings in Marathi.

Constitutional Developments and and its Impact Around the 18th Century a number of significant events took place in the world. One such event was the Industrial Revolution which took place in England. It gradually spread to other countries of Europe also. One such sea route to India was discovered by a Portuguese called Vasco da Gama in 1498. As a result, the English, French, Portuguese and the Dutch came to India for trade. They also used it to spread missionary activities in India. REASONS FOR COMING TO INDIA Impact of British Rule on India: Economic, Social and Cultural (1757-1857) The European and the British traders initially came to India for trading purposes. The Industrial Revolution in Britain led to the increase in demand for raw materials for the factories there. At the same time, they also required a market to sell their finished goods. India provided such a platform to Britain to fulfill all their needs. The 18th century was a period of internal power struggle in India and with the declining power of the Mughal Empire, the British officials were provided with the perfect opportunity to establish their hold over Indian Territory. They did these through numerous wars, forced treaties, annexations of and alliances with the various regional powers all over the country. Their new administrative and economic policies helped them consolidate their control over the country. Their land revenue policies help them keep the poor farmers in check and get huge sums as revenues in return. They forced the commercialization of agriculture with the growing of various cash crops and the raw materials for the industries in the Britain. With the strong political control, the British were able to monopolies the trade with India. They defeated their foreign rivals in trade so that there could be no competition. They monopolized the sale of all kinds of raw materials and bought these at low prices whereas the Indian weavers had to buy them at exorbitant prices. Heavy duties were imposed on Indian goods entering Britain so as to protect their own industry. Various investments were made to improve the transport and communication system in the country to facilitate the easy transfer of raw materials from the farms to the port, and of finished goods from the ports to the markets. Also, English education was introduced to create a class of educated Indians who would assist the British in ruling the country and strengthen their political authority. All these measures helped the British to establish, consolidate and continue their rule over India. METHODS OF COLONISATION IN INDIA When the industrial revolution started in Europe these small states did not have sufficient raw materials for their industries, or markets for their finished goods. These countries now started looking for markets in Asia and Africa. England succeeded in controlling trade with India and established the East India Company in 1600. This company was supported by the British government. With its help England was able to extend her territorial frontiers to the Indian subcontinent. The first factory was established at Surat in 1613. In 1615, Sir Thomas Roe got permission from the Mughal emperor Jahangir to open more factories at Agra, Ahmadabad and Broach. Their most important settlement on the southern coast was Madras where they built a fortified factory called Fort St. George. This was the first proprietary holding acquired by the company on Indian soil. Gradually the company expanded its trading network. By that time the company was well established in India. It had also succeeded in eliminating the other rival European powers from India. They also started interfering in the political affairs of the Indian ruler. These states had their own rulers, economy, language and culture. These states were constantly at war with each other. It was not surprising that they fell an easy prey to the European powers especially the British. It was the battles of Plassey (1757) and Buxar (1764) which provided the ground for the British success in India. Through these battles, a long era of British political control over India began. The Battle of Plassey was won by the English in Bengal. The British made Mir Jafar, the new Nawab of Bengal, in return for which they receive an enormous sum of money as well as the territory of 24 Parganas from the Nawab. But Mir Jafar was not able to make further payments to them. As a result he was replaced by Mir Qasim who proved to be a strong ruler. Mir Qasim was not ready to meet their demands for more money or control. As a result, Mir Qasim was removed and Mir Jafar was made the Nawab again. Mir Qasim then joined hands with the Nawab of Awadh, Shiraj-ud-daula and the Mughal emperor Shah Alla called Buxar on 22 October 1764. Their defeat proved to be decisive. Though the British successfully gained control over Bengal, the imposition of British rule throughout India was not an easy task. A number of regional powers opposed them and tried to resist the efforts of territorial expansion of the British. 1.Anglo-Mysore Wars Mysore emerged as a powerful state under an able leadership of Haider Ali and his son Tipu Sultan in the second half of the eighteenth century. Four wars took place between Mysore and the British. Finally the Fourth Anglo-Mysore War (1799) ended in the heroic defeat and death of Tipu Sultan. With this a glorious chapter of struggle between Mysore and the English came to an end. Large ports like Kanara, Coimbatore and Seringapatam were secured by the British. 2. Anglo-Maratha Wars The Marathas were another formidable power in western and central India during the second half of the eighteenth century. But the struggle for power among themselves gave the British an opportunity to intervene in their internal matters. Many wars took place between the British and the Marathas mainly on account of the Subsidiary Alliance. The Third Anglo-Maratha War (1817-19) was the last war between them. The English defeated the Peshwa, dethroned him and annexed all his territories. The Peshwa was pensioned off and sent to Bithur near Kanpur, Uttar Pradesh. 3. Anglo-Sikh Wars In north-west India, the Sikhs under their able leader Maharaja Ranjit Singh (1792-1839) became an effective political and military force. The British power in India viewed the rise of the Sikhs as a potential threat. The British thus wanted to bring the Sikhs under control. After the death of Ranjit Singh in 1839, lawlessness prevailed in Punjab. The British took advantage of this and the First Anglo-Sikh War broke out in 1845 which ended with the defeat of the Sikhs. In the Second Anglo-Sikh War in 1849, the British finally defeated them in the battle of Gujarat, a town on river Chenab (1849). The Sikh chiefs surrendered and Punjab was annexed by Lord Dalhousie. Maharaja Dalip Singh, the son of Maharaja Ranjit Singh was pensioned off and sent to England. Other Conquests, System of Alliances and Annexations The Third Battle of Panipat against the Marathas in 1761 had already provided the stage for the success of British in India. Soon many more native states came under British control. This was done by a system of alliances called the Doctrine of Lapse and Subsidiary Alliance. Doctrine of Lapse led to a number of independent kingdoms being annexed to the British Empire. These were the states that were enjoying British protection but their rulers had died without leaving a natural heir to the throne. Their adopted sons could now no longer inherit the property or the pension which was granted to them by the British. In this way Dalhousie annexed the Maratha States of Satara (1848), Sambalpur (1850), Udaipur (1852), Nagpur (1853), Jhansi (1854) and Awadh (1856). In Subsidiary Alliance, the Indian States that were under British protection had to suspend their armies and instead maintain British troops. They also surrendered their control on their foreign affair and let go of their right to make alliances with other foreign states for any purpose, economic or political. In return, they were given protection by the British from their rivals. The policy of annexation affected not only the Indian rulers, but all those who were dependent upon them such as soldiers, crafts people and even nobles. Even the traditional scholarly and priestly classes lost their patronage from these rulers, chieftains, nobles and zamindars, and were thus impoverished. Thus, by the mid- nineteenth century, no single Indian power was there to challenge or resist the British. Assam, Arakhan, North Eastern region and portions of Nepal and Burma were already annexed (1818 to 1826). The British also occupied Sind in 1843. ECONOMIC IMPACT The Industrial revolution has helped the English merchants accumulate a lot of capital from the countries of Asia, Africa and America. They now wanted to invest this wealth in setting up industries and trade with India. The mass production of goods through machines that we witness today was pioneered through the Industrial Revolution which occurred first in England during the late 18th and the early 19th century. This led to a massive increase in the output of finished products. The East India Company helped in financing and expanding their industrial base. During this time there was a class of manufacturers in England who benefited more from manufacturing than trading. They were interested in having more raw materials from India as well as sending their finished goods back. Between 1793 and 1813, these British manufacturers launched a campaign against the company, its trade monopoly and the privileges it enjoyed. Ultimately, they succeeded in abolishing the East India Company’s monopoly of Indian trade. With this India became an economic colony of Industrial England. BRITISH IMPACT ON SOCIETY AND CULTURE Indian society underwent many changes after the British came to India. In the 19th century, certain social practices like female infanticide, child marriage, sati, polygamy and a rigid caste system became more prevalent. These practices were against human dignity and values. Women were discriminated against at all stages of life and were the disadvantaged section of the society. They did not have access to any development opportunities to improve their status. Education was limited to a handful of men belonging to the upper castes. Brahmins had access to the Vedas which were written in Sanskrit. Expensive rituals, sacrifices and practices after birth or death were outlined by the priestly class. When the British came to India, they brought new ideas such as liberty, equality, freedom and human rights from the Renaissance, the Reformation Movement and the various revolutions that took place in Europe. These ideas appealed to some sections of our society and led to several reform movements in different parts of the country. At the forefront of these movements were visionary Indians such as Raja Ram Mohan Roy, Sir Syed Ahmed Khan, Aruna Asaf Ali and Pandita Ramabai. These movements looked for social unity and strived towards liberty, equality and fraternity. Many legal measures were introduced to improve the status of women. For example, the practice of sati was banned in 1829 by Lord Bentinck, the then Governor General. Widow Remarriage was permitted by a law passed in 1856. A law passed in 1872, sanctioned inter-caste and inter-communal marriages. Sharda Act was passed in 1929 preventing child marriage. The act provided that it was illegal to marry a girl below 14 and a boy below 18 years. All the movements severely criticized the caste system and especially the practice of untouchability. The impact of the efforts made by these numerous individuals, reform societies, and religious organizations was felt all over and was most evident in the national movement. Women started getting better education opportunities and took up professions and public employment outside their homes. The role of women like Captain Laxmi Sehgal of Indian National Army (INA), Sarojini Naidu, Annie Besant, Aruna Asaf Ali and many others were extremely important in the freedom struggle. Colonial Ideologies of Civilizing Mission Utilitarian's and Missionaries Colonial ideology of civilizing mission was an attempt of intervening in the social and cultural lives of colonized people on the ground of bringing reforms and change. On the basis of two different measures of pursuing colonial ideology of intervention for bringing civilizational change, we could understand these different measure under two broader categories of Utilitarianism, and (Missionaries) Evangelicalism. Civilizing mission was a central part of French colonial ideology. It played a crucial role in continuation of French colonial policy of assimilation. Process of assimilation was required to bring the remotely located colonized population under the ambit of French government. They were doing this by treated colonial subject as a part of mainland France administratively and conceptually. Assimilation as a colonial policy had been derived via the French revolution. French revolution has given the concept of liberty, equality and fraternity for whole human kind. Colonial ideology of civilizing mission became the basic ground for policy of assimilation. Through this colonial ideology of civilizing mission, French colonies provided the best education and cultural facilities to the colonial subject but in return they demanded the complete renunciation of their own cultural and religious practices. Thus they gained political and economic stability and also earned a national prestige in international domain. Britishers also followed the same path, they also used colonial ideology of civilizing mission to bring India under British colonialism and to justify their intervention in Indian culture and society. Civilizing mission as colonial ideology helped British colonial power to intervene in both public and private aspect of colonized lives. Liberalism as a programmed of reform, developed a coherence it rarely possessed in England. Thomas R. Metcalf argues that on the name of civilizing mission evangelicals, free traders, law reformers, educational reformers, and utilitarian theorist worked side by side in India. Utilitarian's They suggested authoritarian reforms and social engineering and Evangelist suggested reform through government intervention in religious and superstitious structures of colonial society in India. Liberal ideology of reform got its fullest expression in utilitarian thinkers and British administrators who govern India during initial decade of 19th century. Utilitarian's started judging everything on the basis of their utility and functions. They started scrutinizing every aspect of cultures and Society in India. They scrutinized art, religion, culture, literature, and laws in India and they judged everything on the basis of their utility and contribution to social progress and where these things are located on civilizational scale. This school was prominently represented by James Mill, Lord William Bentinck, and Lord Dalhousie. As James Mill took charge of East India Company in London he started guiding policies towards India according to utilitarian principle. In his book “History of British India” published in 1817, very first time he argued that, people like Sir William Jones created a myth about India’s glorious past. He denied all glorious interpretation of India’s cultural, spiritual and traditional richness. He emphasized the weakness, and stagnant condition of Indian society, and established the fact that to bring progress in Indian society India needed a change. James Mill served for East India Company for almost seventeen years (1819-1836) and he achieved highest post in East India Company. James Mill was highly influenced with the idea of Scottish Enlightenment. Scottish Enlightenment establishes scientific precision as a true measure of degree of civilization of that society. He set himself the task of ascertaining India’s true state in the scale of civilization. He also disputed William Jones’s claim that Hindus had a glorious past rather he argued that the Hindus did not possess and never had possessed a “high state of civilization”. Hindus according to mill were rather rude people who had made a ‘but few of the earliest steps in the progress to civilization’. He blamed that in India there existed a hideous state of society which was inferior to the British feudal age. He immensely criticizes the priest craft, superstitious and despotism present in Indian society. Jeremy Bentham propounded the Utilitarian principle. In his book A Fragment of Government he argued that ‘it is the greatest happiness of greatest number that is the measure of right and wrong”. Oriental despotism The Orient means the East, and “despot” is a Greek word that means tyrannical ruler. This idea has been used by different European political philosopher to describe the governing condition in oriental society Aristotle firstly used this term to define the process of oriental governing system in his famous book “Politics”. Later on this term has been used by series of political thinker from Montesquieu, Machiavelli, and Hegel. Thus oriental despotism became a conceptual framework to define Asiatic governing society. This became a guiding idea of Eurocentric interpretation of Asia, Africa, and Middle East. James Mill introduced “Individual Property Right” in India through legislation. Marx further argued that oriental despotism was necessary for “Asiatic Mode of Production”. Asia is an agrarian society and for agricultural society individual property right could not be accepted. Thus oriental despotism is required in this part of world. Evangelicalism (Missionaries): Evangelicalism argued that religion in India is in most stagnant condition so reform is needed to liberate Indian from the religious trap which is full of superstition and priesthood. They argued that rather than depending upon legislation and rule of law as an agent of change, teaching of Western ethics and values, through (Christianity) would bring reforms in a more subtle and consistent manner. Grant served as a chairmen of British East India Company and served as Member of Parliament in British Parliament. Thus real beginning of western education in India could be traced with the Charter Act of 1813. This act allowed the missionaries to travel to India and also allocated the money sanctioned 100000 rupees per year for two major purposes 1) Revival and improvement of literature and encouragement of local learned people in India. 2) Promotion of scientific knowledge among the native inhabitant. Dilemma between Utilitarian and Missionary: In this passage we would summaries the dilemma between utilitarian and Missionaries perspective about colonial ideology of civilizing mission in India. In above passage we discussed in detail that Missionary and evangelicalism wanted to pursue their civilizing mission in India through Christianity and English education while Utilitarian used legislation as their tool of civilizing mission. Utilitarian like James Mill, was completely against of the change in system of vernacular education. The epitome of dilemma between utilitarian and missionaries could be realized in enactment of law for abolishment of “Sati Pratha” by Lord William Bentinck. Bentinck was an ardent supporter of James Mill and he abolished “Sati Pratha” and child marriage through legislation. But rather justifying his act on the ground of western education and science, he located the source of these reform in old Hindu Scriptures and texts. Evangelicalism, Macaulay Minute and End of Dilemma between Utilitarian and missionary: On 2 February 1835 Macaulay issued his famous Macaulay Minute on Indian Education which became the blue print of English education in India. He completely denied the fact that India ever was a champion of knowledge and civilization. Macaulay in his minute asserted that “A single shelf of a good European Library was worth the whole native literature of India and Arabia.” Thus he advocated for India, education in European literature and sciences inculcated through the medium of English language. He further argued that this kind of education would create a class of person, Indian in blood and color but English in test, in opinion, in moral and intellect. Bentinck immediately endorsed his proposal and enacted the law on Seventh March 1835. Lots of Indian historian further elaborated these scheme from different perspective.

Introduction Varna and Jati have played an important role in the social and political structure of India since ancient times. Today, there are more than three thousand castes and sub-castes in India, and castes are related to Varna. In India, Varna and Jati have been interrelated; from Vedic texts to Upanishads and other ancient texts, evidence of the varna system is found. In the Vedic texts, it is written that it was based on labor and occupation. Common occupation and social relations determine caste. Varna divides society into four varnas: Brahma Kshatriya Vaishya, and Shudra The word “Varna” is believed to originate from a large metal, which means to describe or select; this selection refers to the selection of business. THE VARNA SYSTEM IN INDIA People were classified according to their Varna or castes in ancient India during the Vedic Period (c. 1500-1000 BCE). 'Varna' signifies the colour, kind, order, or class of individuals and specifies their ancestral roots. Different scholars have different views about the origin of the varna system. It is written in the Purusha Sukta of Rigveda that Brahman emerged from the mouth of a great man, Kshatriya emerged from the arm, Vaishya emerged from the thigh, and Shudra emerged from the feet. Brahmins (priests, gurus, etc.), Kshatriyas (warriors, kings, administrators, etc.), Vaishyas (agriculturalists, traders, etc.,sometimes known as Vysyas), and Shudras (labourers) are the four main types. Each Varna has its own set of life principles to follow, and infants must adhere to the Varna's core customs, norms, behaviour, and beliefs. These four Varnas make up a community, and their devotion to the Varna laws ensures that wealth and order are maintained. Individual interests and personal preferences are treated with equal solemnity by a newborn in a certain Varna, in order to resolve the contradiction between personal choice and conventional regulations. Each Varna citizen's rights are constantly paired with their own obligations. The Manu Smriti (an ancient legal treatise from the Vedic Period) and subsequent Dharma Shastras have an extended Varna system with insights and logic. In theory, Varnas are not pure and undeniable lineages, but rather categories, implying that behaviour takes precedence over birth in determining a Varna. Some scholars consider religion and karma as the basis for the emergence of the Varna system. There are four basic needs of society: - First, education, i.e., reading and learning: teaching; Brahman’s work; second, work related to governance and security systems; third, the Kshatriya’s work of economic production and development; and the Shudra’s work of artificial service. The concept that doing Varna obligations would lead to moksha is the fundamental rationale for doing so. Conviction in Karma strengthens one's belief in the Varna life values. EVOLUTION AND NATURE OF THE VARNA SYSTEM It is generally known that the system of Varna developed after the arrival of Aryans in India around 1000 years ago. But since then the Varna System has existed, although there has been a change in its form. The evidence of ancient texts shows that Brahmin class has occupied the highest position among all other civilizations on the planet. The simplicity of the beginning gradually became complicated. The rules and laws prescribed for all castes gave rise to a sense of sangha between the Brahmin Kshatriyas. Shudras were separated from intellectual and religious works in this. During the Vedic period, which lasted from 1500 to 1000 BCE, the caste system was implemented and recognised in ancient India. 6th century BC by then, the varna’s situation had become so complex that Buddha and Mahavira had opposed many of the evils arising in it. Later, Manu also formulated elaborate rules for different classes. Thus, caste was born in place of varna. Some Shudras like Matang, Vidur gained a prestigious place in society at that time by doing good deeds. In the Manusmriti text, the Shakas are called “Vratya Kshatriyas,” who are generally considered to be devout. External invasions had caused chaos in society after the Gupta period, so an attempt was made to establish the varna system by providing it with a solid foundation. ORIGIN OF JATI (CASTE SYSTEM) IN INDIA The word caste derives from the Spanish and Portuguese “casta”, means “race, lineage, or breed”. ‘Jati’ originates from the root word ‘Jana’ which implies taking birth. Thus, caste is concerned with birth. There are many theories like traditional, racial, political, occupational, evolutionary etc which try to explain the caste system in India. 1. Traditional Theory According to this theory, the caste system is of divine origin. It says the caste system is an extension of the varna system, where the 4 varnas originated from the body of Bramha. At the top of the hierarchy were the Brahmins who were mainly teachers and intellectuals and came from Brahma’s head. Kshatriyas, or the warriors and rulers, came from his arms. Vaishyas, or the traders, were created from his thighs. At the bottom were the Shudras, who came from Brahma’s feet. The mouth signifies its use for preaching, learning etc, the arms – protections, thighs – to cultivate or business, feet – helps the whole body, so the duty of the Shudras is to serve all the others. The sub-castes emerged later due to intermarriages between the 4 varnas. The proponents of this theory cite Purushasukta of Rigveda, Manusmriti etc to support their stand. 2. Breed-based Theory The Sanskrit word for Jati (caste) is varna, which means color. The caste system took its birth after the arrival of Aryans in India. Rig Vedic literature emphasizes very significantly the difference between Aryans and non-Aryans. The varna system prevalent during the Vedic period was mainly based on the division of labor and occupation. The Rig Veda often mentions the three classes: Brahma, Kshatra, and Vis. Brahma and Kshatra represented the poet-priest and warrior-chief, respectively. Vis included all the common people. The name of the fourth class, “Shudra,” appears only once in the Rig Veda. The Shudra class represented domestic servants. 3. Political Theory According to this theory, the caste system is a clever tool invented by Brahmins to place themselves on the highest ladder of the social hierarchy. The Brahmins also combined the concept of the king’s spiritual merit through a priest or priests to get the support of the ruler of the country. 3. Professional Theory The hierarchy of Jati is according to occupation. Occupations that were considered superior and respectable made those individuals better than those who were engaged in dirty businesses. Occupational differentiation and many subspecies, such as blacksmiths, chamars, and Teli (oil pressers), came along with functional differentiation. 4. Developmental Theory According to this theory, the caste system did not come into existence on any particular date. It is the result of a long process of social development. Family-based business Brahmins want to keep themselves pure. Lack of rigid unitary control of the state. Reluctance of rulers to enforce a uniform standard of law and custom The “Karma” and “Dharma” theories also explain the origin of the caste system. Confirmation of one’s religion occurs even at birth in the rich upper caste, and the violation gives rise to the lower and poorer castes. Geographical isolation of the Indian peninsula Foreign invasions Rural social structure The caste system developed strongly after the Mauryan period, mainly after the establishment of the Shunga dynasty by Pushyamitra Shunga,; this dynasty was the strong protector of “Brahmanism.” FEATURES OF THE JATI (CASTE SYSTEM) IN INDIA 1. Division of Society Society is divided into various small social groups called castes. Each of these races is a well-developed social group, the membership of which is determined by birth. 2. Hierarchy According to Louis Dumont, castes teach us a fundamental social theory of hierarchy. At the top of this hierarchy is the Brahmin caste, and at the bottom is the untouchable caste. There are intermediate castes in the middle, whose relative status is not always clear. 3. Endogamy Endogamy is the chief characteristic of caste, i.e. the members of a caste or sub-caste should marry within their own caste or sub-caste. The violation of the rule of endogamy would mean ostracism and loss of caste. However, hypergamy and hypogamy (marriage with a person of lower social status) were also prevalent. 4. Hereditary status and occupation The Greek traveler Megasthenes of India in 300 BC mentioned hereditary occupation as one of the two characteristics of the caste system, the other being endogamy. 5. Restrictions on food and drink The taboo of cooking, which defines individuals who can cook food. The taboo of eating can determine the ritual to be followed in the meal. A prohibition that relates to the person with whom one can take food. Brahmins in North India only accepted cooked food (cooked in ghee) from certain castes below them. However, no person will accept raw (cooked in water) food prepared by the lower caste. Beef was not allowed by any caste except Harijans. 6. A special name Every race has a special name, although we can recognize it. Sometimes, a business is also associated with a particular caste. 7. Caste Panchayat The status of each caste is carefully protected not only by caste laws but also by conventions. These are implemented openly by the community through a governing body or board called a caste panchayat. MAJOR FUNCTIONS OF THE JATI (CASTE SYSTEM) It continued the traditional social organization of India. It has accommodated multiple communities by ensuring each of them a monopoly of a specific means of livelihood. Provided social security and social recognition to individuals. It is the individual’s caste that canalizes his choice in marriage, plays the roles of the state-club, the orphanage and the benefits society. Besides, it also provides him with health insurance benefits. It even provides for his funeral. It has handed over the knowledge and skills of the hereditary occupation of a caste from one generation to another, which has helped the preservation of culture and ensured productivity. Caste plays a crucial role in the process of socialization by teaching individuals the culture and traditions, values and norms of their society. It has also led to interdependent interaction between different castes, through jajmani relationships. Caste acted as a trade union and protected its members from the exploitation. Promoted political stability, as Kshatriyas were generally protected from political competition, conflict and violence by the caste system. Maintained racial purity through endogamy. Specialization led to quality production of goods and thus promoted economic development. For eg: Many handicraft items of India gained international recognition due to this. DYSFUNCTION IN THE JATI (CASTE SYSTEM) The caste system imposes a curb on economic and intellectual advancement and is a major obstacle in the way of social reforms as it restricts economic and intellectual opportunities to a certain section of the population. It reduces the efficiency of labor and prevents the full mobility of labor, capital, and productive effort. It perpetuates the exploitation of economically weaker and socially inferior castes, especially the untouchables. It has caused untold hardships for women by insisting on practices such as child marriage, widow-remarriage prohibition, women’s segregation, and so on. She opposes real democracy by giving political monopolies to Kshatriyas in the past and acting as a vote bank in the current political scenario. There are political parties that represent only one caste. For example, the BSP was formed by Kanshi Ram mainly to represent SCs, STs, and OBCs. It has stood in the way of national and collective consciousness and proved disruptive rather than a unifying factor. Caste conflicts are widely prevalent in politics, reservations in jobs and education, inter-caste marriages, etc., such as the demand for Jati reservation and agitation by the Patidar community. There is scope for religious conversion. Due to the atrocities of the upper castes, the people of the lower castes are converting to Islam and Christianity. The caste system stands in the way of modernization by forcing an individual to act strictly according to caste norms, resisting change. INDIA HAS A DISTINCT JATI (CASTE SYSTEM) AS A SOCIAL SYSTEM There has been a cultural continuity in India that no other civilization has had. Ancient systems, religions, and cultures of other civilizations are mostly gone. In India, history exists, and even external empires co-opted the system rather than replacing it. Caste has been merged into a modern religion, making it difficult to remove it. India has integrated many systems more easily. What is known as “caste” in Portuguese or English is actually composed of 3 different components: caste, mass, and character. Caste is a commercial identity. The mass is an ethnic identity. Character is a philosophical identity. They have been more tightly mixed over the centuries. In the world’s most transformative period—the last 3 centuries—India spent most of it under European colonialism. As a result, India has changed numerous times. Most of the changes in the system came only in 1950, when India became a republic. Theoretically, caste as a cultural phenomenon (i.e., as a matter of ideology or value system) is found only in India, whereas when it is seen as a structural phenomenon, it is also found in other societies. The structural-specific view of caste states that the caste system is confined to Indian society. DIFFERENCE BETWEEN VARNA AND JATI CONCLUSION Despite differing views on the origins of caste, society accepts this system. In practice, the concept of high and low stratification in the caste system is reflected. The Constitution forbids discrimination on the basis of caste and caste, but some traditions in society are based on caste and caste. Therefore, it can be said that varna and caste are a medium for understanding Indian society, whose existence can be seen from the Vedic era.

INTRODUCTION Man is a social animal. Due to this human tendency and need, institutions like family and society developed. Therefore, the development of human society took place in the form of a state-nation. Nation based on the feelings and thoughts of man and the emergence of an institution like the state as a political basis. A nation is said to be a group of people who live permanently in a certain area and have similar social identity, common history, language, culture and political consciousness DEFINITION OF RAJYA AND RASHTRA State is a political concept which is made up of Fixed territory Population Government Sovereignty Western scholars consider nation and state to be a modern concept. Western believes nation and state as modern concepts however Indian thinkers differs from this notion. EVALUATION OF RASHTRA The evolution of Rashtra in India from Rigveda to Atharvaveda, the word Rashtra is mentioned in various Mantra and Samhitas. The word Rashtra has been used many times in Brahmin texts and Smritis. In Vishnu Purana, the name of the year, land, borders, people, rivers, mountains etc. have been depicted with pride. Kalidasa in his epic ‘Raghuvansham’ has written about Indianness and Swarashtra. In Buddhist texts also, the words raja (state) and ratha (nation) have been used at many times. Based on various stories and facts, it can be said that at that time there is a possibility of having many nations under one state. In this way, the concept of nation-state is not only mentioned in Vedas, Upanishads, Smritis, Mahabharata, Ramayana and Buddhist texts in India. From the Huns, Shakas, Turks, Mughals to the British, tried to break the Indian culture and governance system. In the modern period, the development of the concept of nation took place as a protest against the colonial rule, mainly after the revolution of 1857. Many social reformers like Raja Ram Mohan Roy, Swami Dayanand Saraswati, Ram Krishna Mission, Annivasant and Swami Vivekananda laid the foundation of nationalism on the basis of which India’s freedom struggle was fought. The concept of nation like Bande Mataram by Bankim Chandra Chatterjee, Ganpati festival of Tilak, Hindu philosophy of Arvind Ghosh, Hindu Rashtra by Savarkar took forward the concept of nation. Today India is established as a nation and state. EVALUATION OF RAJYA The controversy exists away the scholars as to the use and meaning of the term ‘rajya’. In most parts of the ancient and medieval India, as also during the 16th-17th centuries in the West, the word “state came to be commonly understood somewhat identical with the terms “sovereign’ or ‘king’ or ‘raja'. With the rise of the nation-state and subsequently, the democratization of the structure of the governmental bodies the state came to be known as what it is known now. The state is now the whole community, the whole legal association; the whole of the juridical organization. The State in Ancient India The State in ancient India was not, as it was with the 17th-18th centuries. The state was considered a political instrument to promote the cause of the Dharma. In ancient India, the absolute authority was rarely or never used; it was though not a state chosen by the people, but it was certainly a state which existed or cared the welfare of all dharma as a base of the state. The king, referred to as dhritavarla, was regarded as the upholder of the sacred law. That was why he is called dharmapati in Satapatha Brahmana. The state, we may therefore say, in India, provided for both material and moral development of the individual, leading ultimately to the fullest development of the society. The ancient Indian society, wedded to Dharma, was one where the state. The State in medieval times) India personified itself with the king; the king was, thus, the personification of the state. Origin of kingship mentioned in Manu’s theory of the divine origin or Kautilya’s theory of social contract. With regard to the origin of kingship Varma believes that it arose in the vedic period as a part of the process of integration of families, tribes, clans, and villages into rashtra or a state. Law (Aspects of Ancient Indian Polity), on the other hand, regards kingship as the handiwork of the magicians who gradually turned themselves into kings. But once kings came, kingship, and state became one; the office of the king was the institution of the state. The Ramayana refers to the origin as well as the institution of the state. The importance of the state has also been noted in the Mahabharata, for the Arajaka states are regarded not worth dwelling. The end of the state, in the Mahabharata, is referred to as the attainment of the four objects of life- Dharma, Artha, Kama and Moksh. The Puranic state makes Dharma as its basis; by Dharma is meant truth. Dharma, thus it is more or less a law upholding state. The divine origin theory of the state, the Manu Smriti makes the state a Saptanga having limbs such as the Lord, Minister, Capital, Rashtra, Treasure, Army, Ally, mentioning swarashtra and Mandal rashtra. The state, in the Sukraniti, consists of seven limbs, i.e., the state being a kingdom, the organization of seven limbs: The sovereign is the head The minister is the eye Friend is the year The treasure is the mouth The army is the mind The fort is the arms and The state is the legs Similarly Kautilya also explained about state however he mainly emphasized on seven elements of State which are: Swami Amatya Janapada Durga Kosa Danda Mitra With regard to the origin of the state, Kautilya seems to have adverted social contract theory. The Kautilyan state is monarchical, for he desired to establish a strong and powerful monarch with a view to protect the life and property of the state. In Kautilya’s views, the promotion of the welfare of the people is an essential task of the king personified in the institution of the state. To conclude, according to Kautilya, were confined not merely to the maintenance of law and order or the protection of the people, but extended to enable the individual attain the highest development. The State in Asoka’s Dhamma Dhamma is the Prakrit form of the Sanskrit word Dharma, meaning the universal law or righteousness. Asoka’s inscriptions consist of two types The small group, the edicts, describe his adherence to Buddhism, Two larger group, as inscribed on rock surfaces, include Major and Minor Rock edicts, and the Pillar edicts, propagating his ideas, in the manner of exhortations to his subjects. A brief summary of the Major Rock Edicts and the Pillar Edicts gives Asoka’s theory of state, the Minor Rock Edicts dealing purely with his Buddhist activities. Dhamma of Asoka assumes a state of non violence, incorporating a number of ideals and practices. Abstinence from killing was an important one. Also was important in Asoka’s Dhamma’s social and political theory, a programme of social welfare such as providing medical facilities, good communications and prohibiting useless expenditure on superstitions. Dhamma, the righteousness, remains the very basis of Asoka’s theory of State. Medieval Era The Ain-i-Akbari describes the state as it existed in the medieval India. Ain-i-Akbari is a 16th century document. The state, as the Ain-i-Akbari states, is a divine institution, the royalty being a light emanating from God, and a ray from the sun, the illuminator of the universe. Akbar used to worship the sun as the visible representative of God, and the immediate source of life. Through God, the king obtains qualities such as Paternal love towards the subjects; A large heart : nothing disagreeable unsettles him, nothing discriminatory elements obstruct him, nothing indecisiveness rebutes; A daily increasing trust in God : God makes do him the act, whatever he does, he does on the dictates of God, Prayer and devotion The king is more than a ruler in the Ain-i-Akbari. The Ain-i-Akbari, therefore, refers to fourfold division of officer. These are 1. The Nobles The nobles resemble fire, being ardent in devotion and conquering in dealing with foes like Vakil. The Mir-mail; i.e. the keeper of the real, the Mir-yakhshi, the Bar-begi, the Qurbegi, the Mir-tozak the Mir-yahri, the Mirmanzil, the Khawan rātār, the Munshi, the Qush-begi, the Akhtabegi—all these, the ministerial staff assigned to perform their respective duties. 2. The Assistants This include Vizier also called Diwan together with the Mustawfi, the Sahib-i-tawzi, the Awarja Nawiz, the Mir-saman, the Nazir-i-Buyutat, the Diwan-i-Buyuttat, the Mushrif, the Waqil’a Nawis, the Amil all these collectors of revenue, who in the administration. 3. The companions The companions of the king, known as the ornaments of the court by the light of their wisdom, resemble water in the affairs of the body-politic. At the head of this class stands the philosopher and include in it the Sadr, the Mir-Adl, the Qazi, the physician, the astronomer, the poet, the soothsayer 4. The servants They occupy in the system of the state the position of the earth. The table servant, the armor bearer, the servants in charge of the sharbat and the water, the servant in charge of the mattresses and the wardrobe belong to this class. The Ain-i-Akbari mentions four persons as the chief supports of the state. These are : An upright collector : he protects the husbandman, watches over the subjects, develops the country and improves the revenues; A conscientious commander of the army; he is active and strict; A Chief justice: he is free from avarice and selfishness, who sits on the eminence of circumspection and insight, and obtains his ends by putting various questions, without exclusively relying on witnesses and oaths; An intelligencer: he transmits the events of the time without addition or diminution; he always keeps to the thread of truth and penetration. The theory of state in the ancient and medieval India, by way of conclusion, may thus be described as the theory of benevolent monarchy. As against the western state type the Indian state of ancient and medieval times has been non-exploitative, promotive, accommodative, its all comprehensiveness notwithstanding. Modern Era The entire western world including India considers the nation-state to be a modern idea. In colonial countries like India, the growth of nationalism erupted as an opposition to imperialism. From 1857 revolt to independence day, India has came long way. India has been established as a strong nation since independence and is growing ahead. Conclusion Indian civilization and culture is very ancient, full of different types of diversity. Based on the theory of the modern state, though the formation of India as a state-nation is considered since 1947. Based on the available literary evidence, it can be said that India as a nation existed from the Vedic period. Scholars like Shankar, Chaitanya, Vivekananda, Tagore, Savarkar and Gandhi represent the global vision of the Indian state – nation, from ancient times to Till date, India’s identity has been "Vishwadhaiva Kutumbakam". India as a state-nation is a supporter of justice and humanity, so today it is marching towards becoming a Vishwa guru through cultural nationalism.

INTRODUCTION The chief or the king in the Rig Vedic period did not exercise unlimited power, for he had to reckon administration with the tribal organizations like Sabha, Samiti, and Vidhata. It is described in the Rigveda and Atharvaveda. Just as ‘Arcopegus’ was the role of the Sabha and the Samiti in India, in the Greek people, in the ‘Curia’ Romans. The Sabha was also called the “people and the council. In ancient Sanskrit texts, popular institutions like Sabha, Samiti, Vidath, Sangram, and Parishad have been mentioned. ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT Thinkers have different opinions about the origin and development of these concepts. With the development of man’s political life, “Sabha and Samiti” emerged. Altekar has mentioned three types of meetings – Sabha, Samiti, and Vidath– but said that it is difficult to give a definite meaning to these words. In ‘Parashar Madhava’, Jupiter has described four types of meetings Achal Sabha, which used to take place in the village, Chal Sabha - The Sabha of learned persons who used to visit, The Empowered Samiti—the Superintendent was its head, Sabha as per command—The king was its head. Bhrigu has also mentioned some simple meetings in this book which were of certain castes. Charaka has also mentioned two types of meetings. The first is the meeting of learned people, and the second is the meeting of the public. Shende has written that the word ‘Parliament’ has been used in place of the House in Atharvaveda and its members have been called corporators. Ludwick believes that the meeting was attended by upper class people, such as priests and wealthy people. Ordinary people were members of the Samiti. Hillebrand believes that both the Sabha and the Samiti were the same. The place where people gathered was called the Sabha, and the gathering group was called the Samiti. In Vedic texts, the gathering is generally described in two ways, the first is the gathering of Vedic people, and the second is the place where people used to gather. The reputation of the Sabha as a common institution was also similar, but initially its role was limited. Both the “House and the Samiti” had the right to debate. SABHA The term Sabha occurred eight times in the Rig Veda and seventeen times in the Atharva Veda. In one instance, Sabha referred to a meeting hall. In other instances, Sabha referred to a “body of men shining together.” Sabha was a select body of elders. The head of the Sabha was known as ‘Sabhapati’. The Sabha advised the king on administration. It discussed pastoral affairs and performed judicial and administrative functions and exercised judicial authority. It functioned as a court of law and tried the cases of criminals and punished them. The term Sabha denotes both the assembly (in early Rig-Vedic) and the assembly hall (later Rig- Vedic). Women called Sabhavati also attended this assembly. It was basically a kin-based assembly and the practice of women attending it was stopped in later-Vedic times. Rig-Veda speaks of the Sabha also as a dicing and gambling assembly, along with a place for dancing, music, witchcraft, and magic. The Sabha, situated outside of settlement, was restricted to the Vratyas, bands of roving Brahmins and Kshatriyas in search of cattle, with a common woman (pumscali) while the vidatha was the potlatch-like ritual distribution of bounty. SAMITI The term samiti occurred nine times in the Rig Veda and thirteen times in the Atharva Veda. The Rig Veda stated that one could not rule without a samiti. One Vedic reference described a raja’s (ruler) presence in a samiti. Another reference described several rulers sitting together in a samiti. The Rig Veda reported people in a samiti discussing their cattle. One Rig Veda prayer called for agreement and unity of thought in the samiti. The Atharva Veda included the prayer of a Brahman priest on behalf of a samiti. The references to samiti come from the latest books of the Rig-Veda showing that it assumed importance only towards the end of the Rig-Vedic period. Samiti was a folk assembly in which people of the tribe gathered for transacting tribal business. It discussed philosophical issues and was concerned with religious ceremonies and prayers. References suggest that the Raja was elected and re-elected by the Samiti. RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN “SABHA AND SAMITI” In the beginning, there was no difference between the Sabha and the Samiti. Both were called daughters of Prajapati. In the early Vedic Age, the Sabha and Samiti had a commendable role to play as the political organization of the Aryans. Both were mobile units led by chiefs who kept moving along with the forces. The only difference between Sabha and Samiti seems to be the fact that Sabha performed judicial functions, which the Samiti did not. Later, the sabha became a small aristocratic body and samiti ceased to exist. COMPARISON WITH EXISTING REPRESENTATIVE ORGANIZATIONS “Sabha and Samiti” existed as a public representative institution in Vedic times. First, if we look at the similarity of the Sabha and the Samiti with modern institutions, then like Parliament, the “Sabha and Samiti” are also used to do the work of convention, debate, control over governance, election of the ruler and control with responsibility. But after so many similarities ,there were some differences too. There is no evidence of the rules by which the House and the Samiti were governed or of which subjects they had jurisdiction. The king was the head of both the rule and the judiciary. Having public loving representative institutions is very important in the matter of Indian governance. “Sabha and Samiti” reflect the glory of the Vedic period. CONCLUSION Thus, in conclusion, it can be said that in the Vedic period, “Sabha and Samiti” were the major popular public-funded monarchical institutions. The Sabha was a local body in the rural area, which was small. The Samiti functioned as a central body which had a wider scope than that of the Sabha. The influence and dominance of the priestly, the rich, powerful class over these institutions increased, making the king also autocratic. Ultimately, it can be said that in the Vedic period, the “Sabha and Samiti” was the principal public body of social, religious, and political discourse.

Introduction “Nature of Nyaya” by Amartya Sen the renown professor of economics, is a very important book on the development of Nyaya. According to Sen, Niti is an abstract method that, if implemented fully, will result in maximum public welfare and Nyaya, on the other hand. Nyaya deals with the enforcement of laws and regulations. DEFINITION OF NYAYA The concept of Nyaya is one of the most complex concepts that consumes much scholarly ink yet remains esoteric and impeccable. Plato’s concept, in relation to Nyaya, placed more emphasis on the real part rather than the procedural aspect. Marx considered Nyaya to be a sham, a mask that facilitates capitalist exploitation. Some people believe that Nyaya is equality, but equality is also a vague concept. It is a relative concept. According to the utilitarian, Nyaya is the greatest task done for the largest number of people. Nyaya is not only for the animation of Nyaya, but also for the principle of central Nyaya. Prof. Sen has built his idea of Nyaya on the silence left on the principle of Nyaya presented by Rolls. Rawls’ theory deals with a utopian just society. Social contract theory, mainly propounded by Rousseau, Hobbes, and Locke, focused primarily on the institutional arrangements of a society. This approach, which might be called “transcendental institutionalism,” has two distinctive features. It focuses its attention on being identified as absolute Nyaya rather than a comparative comparison of Nyaya and Niti. In its search for perfection, transcendental institutionalism focused primarily on getting institutions right, not real societies. In India, for example, classical legal philosophers derided matsynyaya, or “Nyaya in the fish world,” reflecting the type of society seen among fish, where a large fish can swim freely. THE CONCEPT OF NITI AND NYAYA “Niti” can also be described as a “theory of the state” or political knowledge. It is an abstract exercise whose implementation will maximize public welfare and Nyaya. On the other hand, is the “broad concept of real Nyaya,” which is essentially connected to the world that actually emerges, not just the entities or rules we have. According to Sen, this distinction between Niti and Nyaya can be seen in European philosophy. Hobbes, Locke, Rousseau, Kant, and Rawls all insist on the establishment of institutions, while Adam Smith, Wollstonecraft, Bentham, Marx, and Mill all take a more comparative approach, looking at the social realities as a whole that are certainly the result of institutions, but also of other factors such as human behaviour. The distinction between Niti and Nyaya is similar to another well-known distinction in Western legal thought. Sen cites the example of Gautam Buddha to illustrate the philosophy of Nyaya as a paradigm of compassion. Sen claims that Gautam Buddha’s suffering is easily understandable and it is possible to “appreciate the relevance of human life in the argumentative judgments of the world we live in. NYAYA AND NITI IN ANCIENT INDIA Overwhelmed by the influence of the traditions of section ethics presented by Anglo, the ancient society of India often ignored the moral traditions of ancient India. It has now become necessary to do exploratory research into the glorious Nyaya and Niti systems of ancient India, which are the gold mines. In ancient times, the Indian Niti and the judicial system highlighted or looked at these particulars. The supremacy of Niti and Nyaya, which is also the main point and basis of every modern democratic system, on which the building of the administration of ancient India was built. Even before the birth of modern writers, this theory existed in the moral concept of ancient India. It is also known from the study of ancient scriptures that even in the period of ancient India, there was no definite opinion of any kind regarding the “death penalty” NYAYA AND NITI ACCORDING TO THE THINKERS OF ANCIENT INDIA Looking at the judicial system of ancient India, it would have been known that today’s administrative and judicial systems are still following in the same footsteps. Kautilya’s Views on Nyaya and Niti According to ancient Indian thinkers, Kautilya also laid great emphasis on the observance of everyone’s religion. Kautilya also makes judicial arrangements to punish them. According to him, Nyaya is the life blood of the state. Kautilya’s Judge Selection Kautilya has given the basis of Nyaya in economics to the king. According to him, there is a worthy, dutiful, and public-welfare king. Kautilya gave the responsibility of appointing these judges to the king. The whole legal system of Kautilya is contemporary. He placed a lot of emphasis on the decentralization of the legal system as well as on fair Nyaya. Manu’s Views on Nyaya and Niti Apart from the provision of a council for the creation of Manu law and the Nyaya system, the public was free to make their own rules through their federal institutions. It includes total, caste, and category. Manu describes in his views the composition of the legislature in an extended form. According to him, the number of members of the Legislative and Council should be about ten, but according to him, the basis of the composition should be intellectual and not in the form of numbers. Manu’s Views the Idea of Punishment According to Manu, there are two types of tendencies in human beings: one devilish and the other divine. Under the divine tendency, peace, good, and the rights of others were also kept in mind, and work was also motivated to bring happiness to others. On the contrary, in the devil’s nature, the judicial rights of others can be seized solely for self-interest. Therefore, Manu clearly gives his opinion that the power of punishment is very much needed to purify the conduct of human beings and to follow their religion. According to him, punishment should be arranged according to the amount of guilt the guilty party. THE “PRINCIPLE OF NYAYA” PRESENTED BY RAWLS Rawls’ Nyaya principle was viewed as a kind of alternative to the classical utilitarian principle. Rawls’ theory of distributive Nyaya is based on the fact that Nyaya is a system of cooperation for mutual benefit between individuals living within a society. The concept of ‘original position’ played a significant role in Rawls’ principles along with the ‘veil of ignorance.’ He believes to base these principles by imagining a group of people who are unaware of their age, sex, race, religion, or economic class, wealth, income, intelligence, talents, etc. This group of people would agree upon the following principles for the realisation of justice – Each person is to have an equal right to the most extensive basic liberty compatible with a similar liberty for others. Social and economic inequalities are to be arranged so that they are both – To the greatest benefit of the least advantaged. Attached to offices and positions open to all under conditions of fair equality of opportunity. The first principle states that all the people are to receive the basic liberties and rights that are basic to human existence. Also, these liberties are to be provided equally to all the masses. Few liberties that are basic to all are – freedom of thought and conscience, liberties necessary to secure the rule of law, sanitation, health, and etcetera. Basic liberties can’t be infringed for any reason, even if it were to bring greater economic prosperity to a larger number of people. Unfortunately, economic prosperity would happen at the expense of the ones that don’t belong to the larger group. The first point of the second principle is known as the ‘difference principle.’ It means that even if there is an unequal distribution of income and wealth then it should be such that the most disadvantaged should be better off than they would be in any other kind of distribution consistent with principle one including equal distribution. The second point of the second principle points out that society should provide all citizens with the basic means that would enable them to participate in the competition. Like education and health facilities. COMPARATIVE NYAYA: A CRITICAL APPROACH According to Sen, the most serious flaw in the theory of Nyaya presented by Rawls is its transcendental institutionalism. Rawls’ theory, based on the social contract tradition, aims to explain a set of principles that will be of considerable help in creating the public institutions of a just society. Therefore, the main problem that Sen had with the theory presented by Rolls was the perfection theory. According to Sen, the Rawlsian doctrine loses touch with reality: it ranges from the Bengal famine of 1943 to the devastating earthquake in Haiti in January 2010 that killed more than 150,000 people and left more than two million homeless. Prof. Sen has regarded Nyaya as a genuine approach. Rawls says that Nyaya is “Nyaya equal to fairness.” Rawls was influenced by Kantian theological ethics when formulating the concept of Nyaya. Kantian deontological ethics is a type of ethics that is universal in nature and is primarily guided by moral principles. In this context, Rawls uses the metaphor of the “veil of ignorance” to express his concept of Nyaya as “fairness.” The “basic situation” that Rawls is talking about creates a hypothetical situation, but practically it is never multidimensional, diverse, conflicting, or able to encompass the real and concrete demands of a larger plurality. Sen’s concern is essentially three times Rawls’ theory: The first is the inevitable relevance of actual behavior; The second is the contractual choice; and The third is the relevance of the global approach. SEN'S PHILOSOPHY OF NYAYA AS A MODEL OF NYAYA On Nyaya, Sen’s vision involves anthropological sensitivity: of course, understanding human nature is insufficient to explain all the questions raised by the theory of Nyaya. Sen bases his opinion on the fact that there is a shared understanding of human beings embedded in many competing conceptions of Nyaya, and the readiness to resist Nyaya and the tendency to do so by participating in meaningful public debates. Slavery abolitionists in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries did not believe that abolishing slavery would make the world perfectly just. Rather, he claimed that it was based on a society. Slavery was completely unjust, and it needed to end immediately Slavery prioritised freedom from the intolerable in Nyaya and did not necessitate seeking consensus on what a perfectly just society would look like. Sen asserted that his concept of Nyaya is not just a matter of consequences. In fact, his definition of Nyaya includes a holistic approach to both processes and outcomes. Ultimately, Nyaya is connected to people’s ways of life, not just to the nature of the entities around them. Professor Sen took the example of early Indian jurisprudence to shed light on many concepts of Nyaya, such as’ Niti ‘and’ Nyaya. In other words, it is necessary to assess the role of institutions based on how much inclusivity is reflected in them. CONCLUSION It is impossible to determine if Rawls’ “concept of Nyaya” is superior to Sen’s “idea of Nyaya,” hence it is not a good idea to debate this point. On the other hand, it may be claimed that Sen’s interpretation of Nyaya “completes and develops Rawls’ idea of Nyaya.” Sen’s work should be seen as a modification of Rawls’ political theories rather than as an alternative strategy. First, the nature of Nyaya in our world is often global, and national law is too narrow as a lens through which it can be studied and analyzed, as well as a tool to combat it. Second, the only concentration on national law excludes international perspectives, one of the most rigid obstructive aspects in the struggle against Nyaya In any case, Sen encourages legal education to meet a greater number of comparative, international, and, most importantly, international perspectives. Karl Marx’s theory was about an ideal society in which the workers were no longer subservient classes. However, both Rawls and Amartya Sen are treading the same path and have similar opinions in this regard that the concept of utilitarianism, or a system that promotes only the welfare of the majority or the happiness of the greatest number, is not correct.

UNIT-5 POLITICAL OBLIGATION INTRODUCTION The political obligation is often inferred as the commitment or duty to act in a particular way. As per, H.L.A Hart there are two kinds of obligation- ‘being obliged’ to do something, which includes an element of coercion, and ‘having an obligation’ to do something, which implies only a moral duty. Thus, political obligation is one of the most contested issues of political theory and philosophy. In a nutshell, political philosophy mainly resided on the logic of the grounds and limits of political obligation. DUTY, OBLIGATION AND CONFLICT Obligation and duty have a lot in common. To be obligated means to have a responsibility; to fulfil a responsibility means to fulfil an obligation. In this context, a duty is the conception of a behaviour as the subject of legal obligation. The main difference between an obligation and a duty would be that duty arises from moral and legal needs, while an obligation is something that arises from a set of norms that focuses on maintaining order. When we say that someone is performing their responsibility, we often mean that they are obligated to do something. A moral commitment may clash with a legal obligation; and political legitimation may clash with a religious one. THEORIES OF UNLIMITED OBLIGATION It is important to remember that obligation is an obligation. It doesn’t matter if it is political or moral. Attending to one’s obligation is a sort of performance. 1. The Doctrine of Force Majuere Force Majuere is a French word meaning superior strength. This view of political obligation identifies the state is so powerful that the individual has no option but to abide by its laws, dictates and commands, without any choice of not to follow them. In this sense, political obligation is based on the fear of punishment or coercion for disobedience to the political authority. The theory has been criticized on the grounds that it is not based on any moral foundations. It does not allow the individual to inquire fairness of the law. There is no scope for a resistance against any law or command which could be wrong in public judgment. With these characteristics, it could hardly be treated as a proper theory of political obligation. 2. Divine Rights Theory The source of power withheld by the sovereign is directly derived from the god, hence obedience to the state is as imperative as obedience to God. In the recent times, this theory was upheld in pre-communist Tibet and some tribal kingdoms. The foundations of this theory is religious instead of it being rational. The king can be a tyrant or a benevolent, obedience to him is a must Disobedience is a direct confrontation with god. The theory denies the right to resist against the state or the authority by the people, hence it is anti-thetically to a democracy. 3. Prescriptive Theory As per this theory, political authority and its respect are based on the principle of “customary rights”. Authority is legitimate, if it is endorsed by customs or tradition. This conservative theory of political obligation finds its existence in the writings of Hegel, who believed that ideas of morality evolve concretely in the customs and institutions of the state. An eminent scholar of this school of thought is, the English Parliamentarian Edmund Burke, he states that it is unwise for a person to totally disregard custom and tradition.\ His means that the proponents of this school of thought even urge to accept the traditional practise of racism, that is the indigenous population of African and Latin American countries must accept racial discrimination legislation as “valid”, because they are based on best available evidence. However, this is far from the reality, people only observe their traditions, in so far as they have their utility and do away with them when they become redundant or useless. THEORIES OF LIMITED OBLIGATION 1. Principle of Consent Some theories advocate man to be master of his will, hence any sort of obligation can only be inflicted upon him by his consent. Individual's consent is the proper source of political obligation. Substantiating Hobbes and Locke who claimed that in the state of nature there were certain inconveniences being faced by man due to the absence of the existence of clear laws and authority. Thereby, the theory of ‘Social Contract” substantiates the fact that the authority was given as well as created through a consent. The chief exponents of the theory of the social contract are: Thomas Hobbes,, John Locke , and Jean Jaquez Rousseau (1712-78). These thinkers have claimed a 'state of nature'. The social contract is responsible for transition from a state of nature to a civil society. The terms of the contract define the ground and limits of political obligation. In this light Locke's formulation of the social contract may be considered sound in this light. 2. Idealist Theory An idealistic view of political authority may involve a serious deviation from a realistic position. The Idealists believe that the man’s innate natural rationality is the source of political obligation. Man is seen as a ‘political and rational creature’ and the state as a ‘self - sufficient community’ that encompasses the entire society. According to Hegel, the state as 'the incarnation of divine reason' and the 'march of God on earth'. Hegel has carried on the legacy developed by Plato and Aristotle whereby they had agreed that the state and the people who make it up “form an organic totality”. Furthermore, the concept of political obligation encompasses not just the man’s obedience to the state, but is also inherently connected with his right to resist an abusive political authority. THEORIES AGAINST POLITICAL OBLIGATION 1. Marxist View Marxism postulates state does not represent the organized power of the community, rather it represents the organized power of the dominant class- particularly the class owning the major means of production. Its sole purpose is the welfare of the bourgeoisie class. In such a class divided society the individuals can not have any obligation towards the state. At best, an individual can have any or some obligation towards its society, provided it is a classless and stateless society. Under the capitalist system, where those having the means of production and exploiters of the working class are in power, the worker has obligation 'against the state'. People who are encouraged to disobey the bourgeoisie state are instructed not to disobey the state at all after the establishment of a new social system. Marxian thought has also been criticized on the ground that a change accompanied by chaos and confusion is most likely to be exploited by anti-social elements. 2. Anarchist View The anarchist view argue for a stateless society, simply put a society without any government. Anarchism is usually placed on the extreme-left of the political spectrum. Anarchists like P.J. Proudhon and Peter Kropotkin stated, the state is a coercive entity and hence all governmental authority is illegitimate and hence its presence is suited only to a corrupt and unmerited society. The individual is only obligated to uphold justice, thus he is obliged to resist the state and devote himself to build a new institution where all members of society will cooperate with each other. 3. Gandhian Perspective The tacit use of principle of civil disobedience indicating the recognition of severe limits of political obligation by Gandhi. Civil disobedience implies deliberately disobeying an unjust authority and breaking an unjust law. Civil disobedience may be resorted to as a protesting a government policy which is unjust or to raise the government’s attention to a need for political reform. Originally, the word was coined by American writer Henry David Thoreau, who attempted to explain the reason for his refusal to pay taxes to the state for several years for which he was also imprisoned through an essay in 1848. Mahatma Gandhi collaborated the principle of civil disobedience with the principle of nonviolent struggle and satyagraha throughout the freedom struggle. Gandhi was of the belief by any form of resistance against injustice must be non-violent, hence the act of civil disobedience should also be performed non-violently and in full public view; and penalties caused by such an act should be accepted willingly. Civil disobedience is a weapon only against a tyrannical regime, autocratic, unjust government or a foreign rule. CONCLUSION An external domain of standards and regulations is created by political obligation. It is governed by laws, customs and by-laws. The term “political obligation” refers to a set of legal responsibilities that citizens must fulfil. It does include the duty of the citizens to obey the laws of the state, but it also incorporates in its sphere a wider obligation, i.e., duty to protect the country, or to fight against injustice. Political responsibility is a form of obligation that aims to develop a political system that is free of all types of injustices and promotes the general good. Political justice does not totally fall under the purview of either the law or ethics. Its domain that exists somewhere between ethics and law.

POSTMODERNISM Introduction Post modernism is a product of modernism and modernist values. A late 20th-century movement outlined by broad level of skepticism, relativism and subjectivism. It opposes the modernist statement that there is an objective reality. The term is associated with Jean Francois Lyotard as it first came in 1979 with the publication of his “Postmodern Condition”. Post modernists have denied the faith in science and technology as the instruments of human progress. Main post modernists thinker involves Jean Francois Lyotard, Jacques Derrida, Michel Foucault , Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe. Definition Martin Heidegger a German philosopher and post modernist thinker along with Lyotard have popularized the term postmodern. They say postmodernism is about the distrust towards all those theories and ideologies which claimed them to be the universal theories. Friedrich Nietzsche also one of the postmodernist rejected all the moral and political principles as a mere nihilism. Michel Foucault was mainly concerned with the forms of knowledge. Derrida’s deconstruction is another approach to understand the postmodernism, opposed the claims of a single truth and knowledge. According to Jane Bennett the term postmodernism can be understood in three ways. A sociological designation for an epochal shift in the way collective life is organized. Second as an aesthetic genre. Finally third as a set of philosophical critiques of teleological or rationalist conceptions of nature, history, power, freedom and subjectivity. Postmodernism in participates in all three ways, but most intensively in the third way. Difference between Modernism and Postmodernism Postmodernist thought was the result of opposition and repudiation to the modernist thought. Modernism has a deep faith in the idea of grand narrative as it believes that there can be a grand theory. Modernism relates to a series of cultural movements that took place in the late nineteenth and the early twentieth centuries. These movements include reforming movements in architecture, art, music, literature, and applied arts. The postmodernism refers to the confused state of cultural developments that came into existence after modernism. As a matter of fact, the period after 1960s is generally considered postmodern in nature. To be precise, postmodernism is construed as begun after 1968. However, postmodernism, when compared to modernism, is more complex to understand and appreciate. Thinking, during the post modern era, was considered irrational and unscientific in its approach. Unlike modernism, postmodernism did not pay any kind of attention whatsoever to original works. They would dub them as pieces that gained popularity due to propagation. Opposition of Modernity Modernist political theorists like Machiavelli, Montesquieu, Hobbes, Locke, Rousseau, Voltaire and others have contributed toward the idea of representative democracy, rational stature, formal equality and other relevant concepts. Scholars in this period all around the world have continuously defend the void promise of emancipation through modernity. The claim of postmodernist was simple that there is no objective value, no established reality an off course no universal truth. Rather, there are numerous realities, diverse of truth and variety of people with their own set of values and realities. Postmodernists attacked all such modernist projections and questioned existing established styles of understanding. Postmodernist roots are developed on the denial and opposition of the modernist land. Foucault and Derrida Michel Foucault has declined, but he is considered as one of the important postmodernist. He defined the post modernism through two guiding concepts: the power and the discourse. Modern institutions viz the hospitals, schools, mental asylum, sanatoriums and prisons are disciplinary tools of power to make people disciplined. Foucault seeks to uncover and denounce the ways and the process through which human beings are normalized. He severely challenged this legitimization of modern society as it increases the surveillance which is a result of progress and development in science and technology. Derrida’s idea of deconstruction signifies his approach of challenging the foundations and hierarchies on which the western political tradition and culture have been based. Critique of Postmodernism Postmodernism established itself by critiquing modernism, further it also part to certain criticism. Many small movements driven by enlightenment are under postmodernist threat. Postmodernists themselves are not able to sustain the very same objective of emancipation that it intended to adhere to. Secondly postmodernism lack the coherence and a common understanding that can be shared by all. Post modernism is routinely denounced as nihilistic, immoral or politically irresponsible. Conclusion Postmodernist believes that there is no absolute or universal truth and the truth changes with the advent of new events and discoveries. It means that scientific events that took place historically on one side of the world have influenced political and social events that are now taking place on another. It embraces and encourages individual expression, the cross-cultural dialogue and debates as a necessary factor. Thus postmodernists regard their theoretical position as uniquely inclusive and democratic.

FEMINISM Introduction With the advancement in science and the arrival of enlightenment it was believed that it will lead to human emancipation. But in oppose to the universal common view critical perspective believes that science like other forms of knowledge has also been used as an instrument of oppression. Thus they warn against the blind faith in scientific progress and knowledge. Critical Theory was established as a school of thought by the Frankfurt School Influenced by Western Marxist philosophy. Feminist theory and postmodernist theory have challenged the ongoing norms and tries to rescue people out of the illusion of science. Feminist at the one hand tries to the break the male dominance over the knowledge system and society, postmodernists challenge the modernist claim over about the universality and homogeneity of truth. Feminist Perspective Feminism is an ideology or belief which seeks equal rights for women in every fields of work. The term feminism first came in use during the period of 1890s. But the origin of modern feminism can only be traced back to late seventeenth century surely not in its present form. The first full expression of liberal feminism came in Mary Wollstonecraft’s book “Vindication of the Rights of Woman”. She challenged her contemporaries who excluded the women from enjoying the full citizenship rights. Wollstonecraft criticized such appeals to the ‘natural’ differences between men and women. Some enlightened men like John Stuart Mill in the “Subjection of Women” 1869 Mill came up with full scale analysis of women’s situation and advantages to society of giving them full legal and political equality as per with men. He believes that what is now considered as the nature of women is completely spurious and a result of a forced suppression and fabricated incitement. Schools of Feminism Feminist movement as a whole was concerned with the women rights and advocated for equality of sexes Vis-à-vis challenged male dominance. Broadly speaking there can be three varieties of Feminist traditions namely liberal, socialist and radical feminism. 1. Liberal Feminism It mainly emphasizes upon the equal worth of all individuals whether male and female. The main focus is on achieving gender equality through political and legal reforms within the liberal democratic framework. Liberal feminism has a great admiration and belief for the respective laws, the political institutions and the education. Liberal feminism did not undermine the existing institutions of power in liberal democratic societies thus seems more inclusive and socially progressive. They also believed that men can be an active participant in female struggle. As some of men like JS Mill, have successfully done by advocating equal rights for women. The major feminist associated with this theory include Mary Wollstonecraft, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, John Stuart Mill, Helen Taylor, and Gina Krog, Gloria Steinem, Betty Friedan, Simone de Beauvoir, Rebecca Walker and many more. Many feminists believe that liberalism is the source of the problem and not the solution. 2. Socialist Feminism It mainly focuses upon the interconnection between capitalism and patriarchy as both capitalist system of production and a gendered biased institutionalized system of patriarchy is collectively responsible for the women’s condition. Socialist feminists believe that financial dependence over males is a major cause of women’s oppression and discrimination. Between 1960s and 1970s this variant of feminism has spread widely. Gender equality can only be established by eliminating this economic and social structure. Women's liberation here is imperative to larger quest for economic, social and political justice. Some of main socialist feminist are Barbara Ehrenreich, Charlotte Perkins Gilman, Johanna Brenner, Silvia Federici, Clara Fraser, Donna Haraway, Emma Goldman and so on. Thus, feminist movement is actually a movement for the so cold upper class women’s dominance over the poor lower class women. 3. Radical Feminism It is a perspective which advocates for radical reordering of a male dominated society. The male dominated society is characterized by the male supremacy in all social, economic and political sphere of life. Radical feminism advocated the elimination of male’s supremacy and women's experiences should also be count along with other divisions like race, class, and sexual orientation. They proposed that the society is basically patriarchal based upon the women oppression by men. Janice Raymond, Andrea Dworkin, Catharine MacKinnon, Germaine Greer, John Stoltenberg, Monique Wittig, Mary Daly and Robin Morgan are some important radical feminist. They collectively struggled against the sexual objectification of women; oppose the violence against women in form of rape and other such crimes. Patriarchy is the fundamental reason of systematic oppression and marginalization of women, it make women other. Common points advocated by all feminists 1. Entrenchment of Gender Gender inequality is widespread in all societies in all times. All feminist are in one voice confirmed that the unequal bifurcation of individual roles on the bases of gender has been a major and common issue of concern as this gendered division lead to long term inequality in society. 2. Existence of Patriarchy Patriarchy literally means ‘rule of father’. Normally it signifies towards a condition where all necessary and relevant decisions in a family are taken by the male member. Feminists have consensus over the existence of patriarchy in society. 3. Need for Change All feminists believe that there is a deep need of change in the attitude and the manner hitherto society is running. Different path can be adopted for the betterment of the women. Shulamith Firestone in her best known work “The Dialectic of Sex” (1970) advocated an entirely different kind of solution to alter the status quo. Waves of Feminism 1. First Wave Feminism First Wave feminism mainly concerned with the treatment of woman in the male-dominated society. The major works of this phase are Mary Ellman’s Thinking about Women (1968), Kite Millet’s Sexual politics (1969) and Germaine Greer’s The Female Eunuch (1970). Many important works of the male writers have been studied in order to analyze the attitude of male towards women and society. The major demand in this wave was women’s interest cannot be sacrificed and not subject to any reductionism. Writers like Mary Wollstonecraft “A Vindication of the Rights of Women” 1792, highlighted the inequalities between the sexes. Activities like Susan B. Anthony and Victoria Woodhull contributed to the women’s suffrage movement in 1920 with the passing of the 19th Amendment. 2. Second Wave Feminism It is more commonly, also known as ‘Gynocritisism’. This stage is believed to have begun with Elaine Showalter’s “A literature of Their Own” in 1970. It is associated with the resurgence of feminist activism, specifically the radical feminism, in 1960s and 1970s Second Wave Feminism is concerned with the women writings include Ellen Moore’s Literary Women (1976), Elaine Showalter’s Literature of their Own(1970). This phase chiefly explores the relationship between female and male literature and text were analyzed to understand the treatment of female characters by the male in the society. 3. Third Wave Feminism The third wave of feminism emerged in the mid-1900s. It resisted the perceived essentialist ideologies and a white, heterosexual, middle class focus of second wave feminism. Third wave of feminism borrowed from post-structural and contemporary gender and race theories to extend on marginalized populations experiences. The third wave was much more inclusive of women of colure than the first and second waves had been. Feminist criticism in the 1970 exposed the mechanism of patriarchy, that is, the culture ‘mindset’ in men and women, which perpetuated sexual inequalities. Post Feminism Feminists during this wave demanded that women must not see themselves as victims, rather consider themselves as active agents. Sexuality should be thought as liberating and consensual sex should not be treated as a taboo. Feminism should focus on women’s material equality rather than symbolic aspect of gender. Throughout the different waves of feminism, the phrase ‘personal is political’ was used widely particularly in the second wave. The phrase was popularized by the Carol Hanisch through her article “The Personal is Political” in 1969. Personal is Political In “Justice, Gender and the Family” Susan Molar Okin argues that there are four major respects in which the personal is political. These are: 1. Power A distinguishing feature of the political but private sphere is also a sphere of power. Power exists within the family, among the gender relations between husband and wife, sister and brother and so on. For example domestic violence is clear reflection of the use of power within family. 2. The domestic sphere Itself is the result of the political decisions taken in other sphere. In that sense political sphere infiltrates private sphere. State interference in family matters and the institution of marriage reveals this infiltration. Marriages are sanction by the state; the state is the supreme authority to decide who can be marrying and whom you cannot marry. 3. Domestic life It where most of individual’s early socialization takes place. Private sphere creates the psychological conditions that can govern public life. The social construction (gender division of labor) and patriarchal surrounding work as an initial setup. 4. The division of labor Within majority of families raises psychological and practical barriers against women in all other spheres. The household responsibilities cause women’s underrepresentation in most relevant public institutions like government, judiciary and economy. Feminists reject the liberal idea that the family is part of a ‘private’ realm where principles of justice cannot be actualized remove the difference between personal and political, difference of sex and gender must be abolished first. Sex and Gender Women’s sex is defined relative to maleness, a woman is a ‘not-man’. Men on the other hand are defined independently of their sex and of women, as autonomous and rational beings. Feminists have confirmed the fact that gender and sex are two different things and gender distinctions are socially constructed. Since the seventeenth century, some feminist have argued that the women’s nature which is characterized as natural and universal is actually artificial and distorted, a product of constructed societal upbringing. Gender refers to those differences that are imposed only by social norms such as girls should wear pink and boys should wear blue or the norm that women should be kind and emotional and men should be tough and rational. Feminist political thought has been primarily concerned with at least two issues. First, it analyses and explains the processes, institutions and practices through which women have been subordinated to the men. The women have been marginalized through a set of constructed societal norms. Second, feminism is not limited to the analysis of the problem but it also tries formulated the most appropriate and effective ways to challenge this subordination and domination. Conclusion Feminist criticism takes the feminism and the feminism theories as a base to criticize the literature of old and modern times. It is focused on addressing the issues regarding places and consideration of women in social, political and psychological and economic aspects of human life. The greatness of feminist literary criticism lies in its ability to take a variety of new routes. In practice, feminist literary criticism is not limited to texts written and read by women, for its interest is not only how ‘women’ have been treated, but how notions of gender and sexuality have generally determined an inferior place for many different voices of women, of racial and ethnic minorities and gay and lesbian writer and readers of literature. Feminist criticism works with a shifting agenda endlessly acknowledging both the complexity of the past and the limits of any schemes of interpretation we place on the past. Feminist literary Criticism may be seen to intervene in the process of culture’s self-reproduction to make visible the injustices of present between men and women, and keep them from being reproduced in the future.

ANARCHISM Introduction The word Anarchy comes from the Greek word Anarkhos which means “without rule”. It was first used in a negative sense during the French Revolution to discredit the protesters. Anarchism popularly means chaos and disorder. Anarchy is a belief system that rejects governmental authority in favor of self-governing or community consensus that has become a synonym for chaos and the breakdown of civil order. The first time the word was used in a positive sense by Pierre-Joseph Proudhon in his text What is Property? in which he declared, “I am an anarchist”. The core value of anarchism is unrestricted personal autonomy The first statement of the Anarchist principle was produced by William Godwin in his Enquiry Concerning Political Justice. CORE VALUES Anarchists’ central belief is the opposition to the state or any form of government and law. Anarchism as a doctrine is wanting on two accounts: the first is the assumption that Moral assertion is stronger in anarchism than analysis and explanation. The second is that anarchism is a less coherent theory in its own right and more of a midpoint between two other political traditions. However, anarchism is different from both these schools of thought in significant ways, Anarchism central tenants are- 1. Anti-Statism The most important and famous of these beliefs is anti-statism, which is a rejection of all forms of hierarchy in favor of the organization of society based on cooperation and voluntary participation. The state, or government, is an example of a hierarchical system in which those who govern are at the top and exert their power and influence over those governed. Anarchists generally believe that, to some extent, humans are a product of their environment. Therefore, the state's overarching presence produces an environment in which individual actions are influenced and coerced, even in a liberal democracy. Generally, anarchists don't believe in any authority that is 'commanding', 'controlling', and 'corrupting' not just the states but also oppressive structures like racism and sexism. 2. Anti-clericalism It is not just the state that is commanding and controlling; religion can also have those effects. This was the case, particularly during the emergence of anarchist philosophy in Europe. As the state played a central role in policing people's lives, many anarchists rebelled against this norm. Religion itself has been seen as a source of authority in general. The idea of God required complete submission to a higher authority. This submission must be unconditional and unquestioned. Religion does not leave any space for free will or individual autonomy and thus anarchists find themselves at odds with religion. 3. Utopianism Unlike the social contract theorists which believe that man in the state of nature is short nasty and brutish, anarchists believe in the natural goodness, or at least potential goodness, of humankind. From the perspective of anarchists state is not required to create a harmonious social order, it will arise spontaneously and naturally. For collective anarchists, the human capacity for sociable and cooperative behaviors will come naturally and for individualistic anarchists, it is the enlightened human reason which will enable cordiality. 4. Economic Freedom Another of the main beliefs of anarchism is economic freedom, as it enables individuals to organize their economic affairs autonomously. Anarchists oppose all systems that do not allow for complete economic freedom, for example, capitalism and many socialist economic systems. Systems that do not allow for economic freedom are viewed as exploitative and oppressive due to the power dynamics they perpetuate and sustain. 5. Liberty Anarchism seeks to promote true and complete liberty. However, liberty is incompatible with any form of powerful authority, so the anarchist stance on liberty reinforces its rejection of the state. To have true liberty, individuals must have autonomy. Types of Anarchism The most significant distinction is between Individualistic Anarchism and Collectivist Anarchism. 1. Individualist Anarchism The two main differences between individualist and collectivist anarchism are that individualist anarchists believe in individualism and egoism. They believe in individualism because they fear that collectivism will lead to a loss of freedom. This leads to subtypes of individualism anarchism like Anarcho capitalism which focuses on economic freedom and radical capitalism. A more extreme form of individualism in anarchism is egoism, which argues that humans only care about themselves. Individualist anarchism also believes in a gradual approach to anarchism, such as organizations like workers' cooperatives slowly taking over the state rather than revolutionary means of overthrowing the state. 2. Collectivist Anarchism Collectivist anarchism emphasizes common ownership and relies on the belief that human nature is generally altruistic and cooperative, so we cannot solve social issues as individuals. Collective anarchists, therefore, oppose capitalism since private property accumulation is seen as re-creating the coercive hierarchies of the state; this can be seen both in mutualism and anarcho-communism. Unlike individualist anarchists, collectivist anarchism thinks revolution is necessary to eliminate hierarchical structures. There are also a few different types of collectivist anarchism, including anarcho-communism, mutualism, and anarcho-syndicalism . 3. Communist Anarchism (or Anarcho-Communism) This school of thought advocates for a free society with numerous self-governing communes that are linked through federation and have direct democracy or democracy based on common consent as to the political organizational structure. The means of production will be used jointly rather than owned collectively. Rather than payment, the commune would have free access to resources and excess. Egalitarianism and the elimination of social hierarchy and class differentiation are central to anarchy Communism. It is unique in that it represents both the eradication of capitalism and the abolition of money. Roads to Anarchy Anarchists are anti-political in the sense that they are repelled by conventional processes and machinery of politics. They limit their scope to simply writing and experimenting in communal or cooperative politics. 1. Revolutionary Non-violence The 19th century saw a period where anarchist leadership tried to provoke the masses for insurrection and revolt. Michael Bakunin for example led to a conspiratorial brotherhood, the Alliance for Social Democracy in anarchist risings of France and Italy. Anarchist violence has been prominent in two periods particularly: the Late 19th century, reaching its peak in the 1890s and again in the 1970s. Anarchists have employed terrorism or clandestine violence often involving bombing or assassination designed to create an atmosphere of terror or apprehension. For anarchists violence itself is justified as a form of revenge and retribution. 2. Direct Action Short of a revolutionary assault on existing society anarchists have employed tactics of direct action. Direct action may change from passive resistance to terrorism. Anarcho-Syndicalists for example refuse to engage in electoral politics instead exert pressure on employers by boycotting their products, sabotaging machinery, and organizing strike action. 3. Non-Violence Anarchists like Godwin and Proudhon regard violence abhorrent principle. These latter anarchists have often been attracted to the principles of nonviolence and pacifism developed by the Russian novelist Leo Tolstoy and Mahatma Gandhi. The principle of nonviolence has appealed to anarchists for two reasons: First, it reflects a respect for human beings as moral and autonomous creatures. As a political approach, nonviolence has proven appealing. Mahatma Gandhi emancipated India with the use of Satyagrah based on principles of truth and non-violence. Conclusion Most believe that the first person to write about Anarchism was William Godwin in 1793. The most famous example of anarchism occurred in the Spanish Civil War in which for a period of time Spain was structured in line with anarchist ideals. Within anarchism, all coercive relationships are rejected; instead, societies where voluntary participation and cooperation are favored.

CONSERVATISM Introduction Conservatism as a term with political connotation was first used in the United States of America to imply a pessimistic state of affairs. The group of people who were opposed to the French Revolution was also deemed to be conservatives. In the United Kingdom “Conservatives” came to be known as “Tory” which became one of the two political parties in the UK. Conservatism stems from a desire to conserve other existing orders and resist any changes to the same. According to Burke the destruction of the ancient regime was one of the worst atrocities in the history of mankind. The idea of conservatism was placed defensively against the changing social order of the 19th century. The authoritarian conservatism which persisted in Europe in the early twentieth century especially in Germany and Italy only transformed post World War II, when conservative political groups finally accepted the ideas of political democracy and social reforms. Difficult to give an accurate definition and must be careful to associate it too much with the Conservatives of today, but there are a number of personal traits that a conservative is likely to have: Conservatives tend to want less control over the individual, doesn’t like fixed political doctrines. Like the status quo to be maintained rather than any radical change. Want the individual to flourish in terms of pursuing goals and achieving fulfillment. Conservative also want good social order and security even if that is at the expense of freedom, rights and equality' For example in the second half of the 20th century Conservatism looked at society as a whole in contrast to Liberalism and then in contrast to Socialism Thatcher then took conservatism to mean the individual. There are some constants throughout these reactions: Nationalism Opposition to rigid ideology Respect for traditions Paternalistic view of Democracy CORE VALUES 1. Individualism Where people take personal responsibility for their actions. 2. Organic society Where people have positions in society and that everyone integrates and has obligations to the community. As explained in the previous section human beings are security-seeking creatures, dependent on each other. This makes them incapable of living without a society. The social order exists to nurture the individual. Society is what gives human life meaning. Freedom for anarchists cannot be understood in negative terms rather freedom is a willing acceptance of social obligation and ties by individuals who recognize their values. With a society like an organism, the whole is more than the collection of parts. And it can “stay alive” if each part fulfills its assigned part or duty. An organic society comes into being naturally, which comes into being with natural social impulses such as love caring, and responsibility. This view of society has some relevant implications, If society is organic, its structures and institutions have been shaped by forces that are not in human control. Hence it must not be tampered with 3. Human imperfection They believe that humans are imperfect and cannot be changed. Crime exists in society because of human nature. Only order can allow human beings from giving in to their violent and selfish impulses. Human beings' intellectual powers are also understood to be limited, for conservatives the world is far too complicated to be understood by human beings. 4. Order & Hierarchy Essential to the continuation of society for there to be structure and leadership. The Conservative focus on authority reinforces the aforementioned belief in a hierarchy and the inevitability of inequity. Conservatives see power as a natural entity that already exists and is imposed on us 'from above,' much like society itself. As a result, unlike Liberals, Conservatives do not believe that exercising legal power requires the explicit permission of the subject of the authority. This, it is said, would be meaningless because the authority holder must offer advice, support, and help to people who lack the capacity, knowledge, or experience to make their own decisions. Conservatives do not believe that authority that comes from above is a negative thing. 4. Tradition This refers to the beliefs, institutions, customs, and practices handed down from one generation to the next. 5. Inequality There is an acceptance that while this has negative connotations it is a necessity for society to progress. 6. Private property They stress the importance of property as a way for people to be part of society and as a way to contradict socialism. Property is a notion that conservatives place a high value on. Many Conservatives, on the other hand, maintain that property ownership has broader social and psychological benefits. First possession of property ensures financial security. Second, it is argued that a society that enables private property ownership drives its citizens to follow the law and behave lawfully. 7. Pragmatism Goes against the idea that Conservatism is fully opposed to change. Realisation that there needs to be a working relationship between governed and government. Types of Conservatism 1. Authoritarian Conservatism Authoritarian conservatism comes from the tradition which has favored authoritarian rule, especially in Europe. Joseph De Maistre was one of the staunchest defenders of the French monarchy and the toughest critic of the French revolution. In his text the Du Pape endorsed the idea that above the earthly rule there exists a higher spiritual authority of the Pope. He stood for the preservation of order without which he felt the society would be thrown off in chaos and oppression. 2. Paternalistic Conservatism Paternalistic conservatism can be traced back to the Anglo-American tradition inspired by Edmund Burke who espoused that if the change is natural and inevitable then it must not be resisted. The characteristic of this style of conservatism is cautious, modest and pragmatic. The values of conservatism can only be preserved under practical circumstances. There are two strands of paternalistic conservatism: One Nation conservatism Benjamin Disraeli, the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom set up the foundations of this type of conservatism via his texts of Sybil (1845) and Coningsby (1844). These novels focused on the principle of social obligation rather than extreme individualism. Disraeli’s ideas can be best summed up as prudent and principal. Britain was in danger of becoming two nations which are the Rich and the Poor. Social inequality would contain seeds of revolution. Hence it would be prudent to have reform to prevent any drastic revolution. 3. Christian Democracy After world war II many Christian democratic parties adopted interventionist policies. The most significant of these parties were the Christian Democratic Union in West Germany and Christian Democratic Party in Italy. After the war, many conservatives abandoned their authoritarian stands and adopted the paternalistic social traditions of Catholicism. Catholic theory focuses on social groups rather than individuals and social harmony and balance rather than competition. Democratic corporatism was encouraged to highlight the importance of intermediate institutions such as churches, Unions, and Business groups which are all bound together with the notion of social partnership. 4. Libertarian Conservatism Libertarian conservatism, sometimes known as conservative libertarianism, is a political theory that blends conservatism with libertarianism, with the libertarian side of conservatism representing the conservative wing and vice versa. Libertarian conservatism promotes maximum economic liberty and little government control of social life, similar to laissez-faire classical liberalism, but with a belief in a more socially conservative worldview emphasizing authority, morality, and responsibility. Libertarian conservatism, which has its roots in the United States, places a premium on liberty, encouraging free expression, freedom of choice, and free-market economics to achieve conservative goals while rejecting liberal social engineering. In the libertarian drive to minimize governmental power, libertarian conservatism may also be defined as strengthening civil society through conservative institutions and authority—such as family, country, church, and education. 5. New Right This encompasses 2 distinct and in some people’s opinions conflicting traditions, those of economic liberalism and social conservatism. Economic Liberalism or neo-liberalism is seen as the dominant area of the New Right, where they push back state intervention in the economy in order for private enterprise to flourish. This has been pushed by the new right in response to the Liberal Socialist and Conservative governments of the 20th century and their attempts to bring about social change through greater governmental intervention. Social Conservative highlight the breakdown in modern society of law and order through the spread of liberal and permissive values. They look back upon traditional values and argue for the restoration of authority and social discipline. Critics of conservatism will say that the difference between traditional conservatism and the New Right made the split irreconcilable and that conservatism is now incoherent. Conservatives will argue that they are advancing certain unpalatable truths about people and that they require strong government and security, without being weighed down by principles such as liberty equality and justice. They prefer to look back on history to provide the basis for their political theory. Conclusion However, we must not just comment on conservatism in terms of a party it is interesting to see the different strands of conservatism that can be seen in the previous three leaders and their approach. Conservatism can be identified by certain attitudes or values and can be traced back to the age of Enlightenment and the French Revolution. Conservatism had not really changed but the circumstances around it have and therefore this ideology has had to react and alter itself in order to survive. Although at the moment the party is struggling due to this ability to change it would be foolhardy to write them off as a political force.