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Following topics are covered into this article - A. Ecological Issues: Historical Overview of International Environmental Agreements, Climate Change, Global Commons Debate B. Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons Narayan Roy 63 C. International Terrorism: Non- State Actors and State Terrorism; Post 9/11 Developments D. Migration E. Human Security A. Ecological Issues: Historical Overview of International Environmental Agreements, Climate Change, Global Commons Debate Global Environmentalism Rachel Carson's work Silent Spring in 1962 brought attention to the harmful impact of human activities on the environment, leading to the growth of environmental movements. International bodies, such as the United Nations, also took an interest in environmental protection. Climate change is a global problem affecting food production, water availability, rising sea levels, and global warming, among others. The United Nations Conference on the Environment, held in Stockholm in 1972, established the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) and put the protection of the global environment on the official agenda of international law and policies. The conference also exposed a rift between industrialized countries and developing countries, with the latter demanding the right to development. The concept of sustainable development has been a constant feature in environmental diplomacy, recognizing the intricate link between development and the environment. Approaches: Ecocentrism and Anthropocentrism Two approaches to environmental problems: ecocentric (valuing the environment for its own sake) and anthropocentric (valuing the environment for its benefits to humans) Ecocentric policies are exemplified in international conventions such as Ramsar Convention on Wetlands, Wildlife Protection, and Biological Diversity. Sustainable development is an anthropocentric approach to environmental protection, aiming to bring human development without long-term negative effects on the environment. Some international laws with ecocentric values include the ENMOD Convention, which prohibits the destruction of the environment as a strategy of warfare, and the Additional Protocol I to the Geneva Convention, which prohibits means of warfare that cause damage to the natural environment. The most prominent anthropogenic environmental framework is the UNFCCC, which seeks to protect the climate system for the benefit of present and future generations of humankind. Understanding the environmental attitudes of policymakers is important as it can influence their values and behavior towards the environment, leading to different international negotiation processes and environmental regimes. Major Themes in Climate Change Debates So let's examines some of the major themes in environmental debates and negotiation processes. 1. Development Global environmentalism became central after the Stockholm Conference in 1972. Developing countries and environmentalists argued that industrialized nations were mainly responsible for greenhouse gas emissions. Developed countries demanded the active participation of major emerging economies like India and China, citing their high national emissions due to development projects. Environmentalists Anil Agarwal and Sunita Narain challenged this demand, arguing that emissions should be based on a per capita basis. The per capita basis is a fair method for accounting and making national emission inventories. India's national emissions are relatively low due to its large population. 2. Climate Justice and Equity Climate justice argues for differentiated responsibilities based on the historical contribution, wealth, vulnerability threshold, technology, and climate responsibility between global North and South There is a power dynamic within the global South itself, with richer developing countries like India and China differing from poorer developing countries like Bolivia and Tuvalu These different political positions create and reinforce climate inequality in climate change negotiations, not just in emission cuts but also in proportioning adaptation funds among vulnerable states. 3. Global Commons Negotiation processes aim to identify gaps in climate change response and examine power relations to achieve climate justice and equality. Negotiations should be guided by the idea of "global commons," which refers to shared earth resources like the atmosphere, oceans, and space. Countries cannot indiscriminately pollute the air, water, and soil. Polluting countries should be held responsible for their contributions and bear the burden to address climate problems. 4. Gender Gender gaps and absence of indigenous voices in the texts of UNFCCC and other international laws have been reflected in the debates for future climate negotiations. Representation of different voices, including non-state actors such as civil societies, women, and indigenous societies, is crucial for the successful implementation of environmental policies. National states, civil societies, women, and indigenous societies occupy different political positions in the climate change regime which gives them different capacities to negotiate and bargain in the climate regime. The Paris agreement, which came out of the Conference of Parties meeting in December 2015, acknowledged their roles and rights as stakeholders in the climate change negotiation. Further research and better gender analysis can be explored to address gender gaps and ensure the inclusion of indigenous voices in the climate change discourse. 5. Power Relations Power politics is an important element in international negotiation processes, including climate negotiations. Powerful groups can align public expectations with elite interests to maintain the existing hegemonic structure. Weaker states may have to compromise during negotiations, reflecting power imbalances. Different forces of power are at work in international environmental movement, including material power (visible in North-South debates), normative power (indigenous and women's struggles for recognition), and discursive power (institutionalization of specific environmental norms). The Paris Agreement accommodated many of the issues and interests of non-state actors. 6. Information Understanding the nature of climate negotiation process is important in challenging climate injustice and inequality Power relationships play a significant role in the climate negotiation process, and weaker states often have to compromise during negotiations Different forces of power are at work in the international environmental movement, including material, normative, and discursive power The Paris agreement accommodated many of the issues and interests of non-state actors Cyberspace plays a significant role in fighting climate injustice through online advocacy by organizations like 350.org and Avaaz Information has a 'performative' power and can be used to expose inequality and fight for justice Modern technology, including geo-engineering, is inseparable from climate talks and raises concerns about its impact and lack of extensive research Major International Environmental Agreements First Climate Conference held in 1979 in Geneva, sponsored by WMO in collaboration with other international bodies Conference was primarily scientific but captured attention of international political community Led to creation of Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) in 1988 by WMO and UNEP IPCC responsible for producing scientific reports on climate change, made first assessment report in 1990 Second Climate Conference held in 1990, more political in nature than first conference Envisioned a global climate treaty, despite limited success Transition from scientific discussion on climate change to political debates on policy making for addressing environmental problems and making it part of mainstream political agenda 1. Montreal Protocol The discovery of the ozone hole in the 1980s led to the establishment of the Montreal Protocol in 1987, which monitors and controls the use of Chlorofluorocarbons (CFCs) that deplete the ozone layer. The protocol is considered one of the successful environmental policies. This discovery inspired the scientific community to conduct more rigorous research on environmental issues, which led to the collection of climate data, reports, and monitoring of the earth's climate system. Climate science is the basis on which climate policies are formulated, and it can give direction to the right policies. 2. United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification The United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification (UNCCD) was established in 1994 with the aim to improve the condition of affected ecosystems, combat desertification and land degradation, promote sustainable land management, and contribute to land degradation neutrality. Its objectives also include reducing vulnerability and increasing resilience of the environment, contributing to sustainable use of biodiversity and climate actions. 3. Convention on Biological Diversity UNCED or 'Earth Summit' held in Rio de Janeiro in 1992 was a watershed moment in environmental history. The summit resulted in the adoption of two outcomes, the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) and the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). CBD is a legally binding multilateral treaty for the protection of biodiversity and other natural resources. The CBD also outlines environmental impact assessment as tools for biodiversity protection and preservation. 4. United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change The United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) was adopted at the Earth Summit in Rio de Janeiro in 1992. The UNFCCC laid down guidelines for financial and technical support, procedural process, climate measures, and institutional development to combat climate change. The convention took into account the debate on the principle of historical responsibility and included the principles of Common but Differentiated Responsibilities and Respective Capabilities (CBDR-RC) in its framework. The Conference of the Parties (COP) became the ultimate authority on matters of the convention under the aegis of the UNFCCC. COP meetings are conducted regularly among member states to review progress and development of climate change actions and make relevant policies. COP meetings have produced landmark agreements such as the Berlin mandate, Kyoto Protocol, Paris agreement, among others. Berlin Mandate COP meeting held in 1995 Proposed a legal binding agreement for GHG emission cuts directed towards developed countries Kyoto Protocol Introduced in 1997 Legally binding emission cuts for developed countries Divided climate responsibilities between Annex I and non-Annex parties Clean Development Mechanism and Joint implementation allowed for carbon credit trading Copenhagen Accord COP15 meetings held in 2009 Not legally binding Emphasized financial assistance for developing countries Conceived voluntary commitments to emission cuts, which faced opposition from developing countries Paris Agreement Signed in 2015 Voluntary contributions towards emission cuts by both developed and developing countries Principles of equity and CBDR weakly applied The Architecture of Climate Change Agreements 1. Equity and Common But Differentiated Responsibilities (CBDR) Developing countries often argue that the principles of equity and CBDR have not been sufficiently applied in climate agreements. They feel that developed countries, being responsible for most of the historical emissions, should bear the majority of the burden for reducing emissions and providing financial and technological support for adaptation and mitigation efforts in developing countries. 2. Legal Binding Agreements Some countries have been resistant to entering into legally binding agreements for climate action, preferring voluntary commitments instead. This makes it difficult to enforce emissions reduction targets and creates a lack of accountability. 3. Financing for Climate Action Developing countries require significant financial assistance to fund climate change adaptation and mitigation efforts, but there has been a lack of agreement on how much funding should be provided and by whom. 4. Technology Transfer Developing countries require access to affordable and sustainable technology for climate action, but there has been a lack of agreement on how technology transfer should be facilitated and financed. 5. Transparency and Accountability There has been a lack of agreement on how to ensure transparency and accountability in reporting emissions reductions and implementing climate action plans. Without effective monitoring and reporting mechanisms, it is difficult to ensure that countries are meeting their commitments. B. Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons What are we going to cover in this section? Nuclear proliferation refers to the spread of nuclear weapons, technology, and fissile material to countries that did not previously possess them. The first use of nuclear weapons was during World War II when the US dropped two bombs on Japan, leading to the era of nuclear diplomacy. The political and military relationships between states have transformed due to the development of nuclear technology. The proliferation of nuclear weapons has become complex due to concerns about safety, the possibility of nuclear weapons falling into the wrong hands, and the emergence of transnational trade in nuclear materials and technology. Some scholars argue that the proliferation of nuclear weapons can lead to a state of stable deterrence and induce stability in conflict-prone matters. Efforts have been made to constrain the spread of nuclear technology, including the establishment of the NPT, CTBT, MTCR, IAEA, and NSG. New measures and approaches are needed to prevent nuclear weapons proliferation due to changing global relationships and the evolving nature of nuclear technology. The objective is to constrain the proliferation of nuclear weapons and ensure the peaceful use of nuclear energy. Why to have nuclear power?? USA used nuclear technology as a weapon during World War II. Strategic, Political and Prestige rationales motivate states to invest in the development of nuclear weapons. Nuclear weapons were seen as a war-winning weapon and later played a vital role in deterrence during the Cold War. Possessing nuclear power gives a political advantage and prestige to the state. Today, in a globalizing world, many states prefer not to be a nuclear power or declare their area as a Nuclear Weapons Free Zone. This has led to a debate between Nuclearization and Denuclearization. 1. Nuclearization and Denuclearization Denuclearization means removing nuclear capacity Some countries have moved away from nuclear power and established Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zones (NWFZ) NWFZ bans the development, manufacturing, control, possession, testing, stationing or transporting of nuclear weapons in a given area NWFZ strengthens global nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament norms and consolidates international efforts towards peace and security Nuclearization means acquiring nuclear warheads to enhance military power Uncertainty and fear related to nuclear power led to the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons movement. 2. Anti-Proliferation Treaties, Convections and Measures The first use of nuclear weapons in August 1945 introduced the world to their destructive capacity. The United Nations Commission for Conventional Armaments introduced the category of 'Weapons of Mass Destruction' in 1948 to distinguish them from traditional weapons. While some tried to spread awareness about their destructive effects, many states were attempting to acquire nuclear weapons. Global efforts to constrain the spread of nuclear weapons began after World War II, including the proposed UN Atomic Energy Commission to eliminate nuclear weapons and promote peaceful use of nuclear energy. In 1953, US President Eisenhower's "Atoms for Peace" speech highlighted the benefits of nuclear energy for non-military purposes and started a debate on regulation. This led to the establishment of the International Atomic Energy Agency in 1957 and the implementation of many treaties and measures to constrain nuclear weapon acquisition. Antarctic Treaty System In 1959, 12 nations signed a treaty to demilitarize the Antarctic continent. The treaty aims to preserve the continent solely for scientific research. The treaty prohibits activities like establishing military bases, carrying out military maneuvers, testing any weapons (including nuclear weapons), or disposing of radioactive waste in the area. Parties to the treaty are empowered to conduct inspections to ensure compliance. The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) IAEA was created in 1957 to address rising fears and concerns related to nuclear technology It is an UN agency that works for international cooperation in the field of nuclear energy The agency promotes peaceful uses of nuclear technologies and functions independently Its major functions include administering safety guards, promoting peaceful uses, and applying mandatory safeguards IAEA has three chief areas of work: safety and security, science and technology, and safeguards and verification The agency adopted an Additional Protocol in 1988 to ensure peaceful use of atomic energy The protocol provides the agency with power, access, and authority to verify nuclear declaration IAEA is helping humankind achieve the Sustainable Development Goals by ensuring peace, security, and peaceful use of atomic energy. The Hotline Agreement 1963 Hotline is a technology that establishes a secure and fast communication link between the Heads of the Nation. It ensures direct and instant communication to minimize the possibility of danger and avoid it. The first of this type of communication was established between the USA and USSR. In 1963, leaders of both countries signed a Memorandum of Undertaking, known as the hotline treaty, to set up a communication link between the USA and Soviet counterpart. The objective of the hotline treaty was to reduce the possibility of a nuclear war/attack by any of these superpowers. The Limited or Partial Test Ban Treaty PTBT/LTBT is the abbreviation for Limited or Partial Test Ban Treaty. It was signed in 1963 with two objectives: to slow down the arms race and prevent environmental damage due to testing nuclear weapons. The treaty permanently forbids conducting, permitting, or encouraging any nuclear explosion in the atmosphere, outer space, or underwater. The treaty prohibits/bans the testing of nuclear weapons in the Earth’s atmosphere, in outer space, and underwater, except those conducted underground. The treaty was signed by the leaders of Britain, USA, and Soviet communist bloc. After ratification, the treaty came into force on October 10, 1963. LTBT is the first-ever effort made by the superpowers in the direction of arms control. The effectiveness of the treaty can be easily concluded, as there was a steep decline in the amount of radioactive particles in the atmosphere after its ratification. Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty 1968 The Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) was signed in 1968 and came into force in 1970. The treaty recognized five countries as nuclear-weapon states (NWS) and authorized them to possess nuclear weapons, while also enforcing non-proliferation norms for non-nuclear weapon states (NNWS). Non-nuclear weapon states pledge not to acquire nuclear weapons in exchange for a pledge by nuclear weapon states not to assist their development, and to facilitate information for peaceful uses of nuclear energy. The treaty has three main objectives: non-proliferation, disarmament, and the right to use nuclear energy for peaceful purposes. Many western countries have ratified and supported the treaty, while some non-nuclear weapon states like India have criticized its provisions as having structural flaws. Three states (India, Pakistan, and Israel) have not signed the treaty, and North Korea has withdrawn from it. As of June 2003, all members of the UN except India, Pakistan, and Israel have accepted the treaty. The Nuclear Suppliers Group The Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) is an international body comprised of nuclear supplier countries Its aim is to control the proliferation of nuclear weapons by regulating the export of materials, products, technology, and equipment that are used for nuclear weapons development The NSG was founded by the nuclear weapons states after India's first nuclear tests in May 1974 The first seven members of the group met in November 1975 to regulate the supply of nuclear material and technology The NSG has set guidelines for the export of nuclear material to ensure that it is used only for peaceful purposes and not for military use NSG members are expected not to have trade in nuclear material and equipment with governments that do not subject themselves to scrutiny at an international level The main objective of NSG is to regulate and control the trade of nuclear material, technology, and equipment, and each member must inform about the supply, import, or export of any nuclear-based product. The Comprehensive Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT) 1996 The Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT) aims to ban all nuclear explosions everywhere on Earth, including the atmosphere, underwater, and underground. The treaty obligates signatory countries not to carry out any nuclear weapon test explosion or any other nuclear explosion. The treaty seeks to prevent countries from developing nuclear weapons for the first time or from developing more destructive and powerful nuclear bombs. The treaty establishes a verification regime that includes an International Monitoring System (IMS) to detect nuclear explosions, a global infrastructure for satellite communications from IMS stations to an International Data Center (IDC), and on-site inspections. A Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty Organization (CTBTO) was established to promote the CTBT and to monitor compliance with the treaty. The verification system is built around a network of over 325 seismic, radionuclide, infrasound, and hydro-acoustic monitoring stations. The CTBT was opened for signature in September 1996 and has been signed by more than 90 non-nuclear weapons states, including the USA and the UK. The International Convention for the suppression of acts of Nuclear Terrorism 2005 The UN General Assembly adopted a convention to suppress acts of nuclear terrorism on April 15, 2005. The convention aims to criminalize acts of nuclear terrorism and promote cooperation among police and judicial authorities to prevent, investigate, and punish such acts. The rising threat of terrorist organizations obtaining and using nuclear weapons led to the need for this convention. Terrorism has become a major threat to international peace in the post-Cold War era, and the development of Weapons of Mass Destruction has increased this threat. Various measures have been taken to address the issue of nuclear terrorism and prevent the use of nuclear weapons by terrorist groups. C. International Terrorism: Non- State Actors and State Terrorism; Post 9/11 Developments Introduction The term ‘terrorism’ comes from Latin words meaning "to tremble" and "to frighten". There is no universally accepted definition of terrorism, but it generally involves the use of violent tactics to undermine the legal authority of a government or state. Terrorism has historically arisen from grievances and feelings of oppression by rulers. There is no global consensus on the definition of international terrorism. The 9/11 attacks by Al-Qaeda led to a hardened approach towards the prosecution of terrorists and condemning terrorism. Post-9/11, international terrorism became more diffuse and widespread, leading to universal condemnation of terrorist acts. The "Global War on Terrorism" marked a turning point in history, with nations coming together to formulate a collective response. Genesis of International Terrorism Terrorism is not a new phenomenon and has been a part of human civilization for centuries. There is no international consensus on what constitutes terrorism. Many justifications have been given for the use of violence by terrorist groups. International terrorism is unpredictable and has undergone a paradigm shift after the 9/11 attacks. International terrorism can be categorized into state-sponsored, right-wing, left-wing, religious, and global terrorism. Possible causes of international terrorism include domestic political instability, failed state, ideological and psychological factors. It is difficult to determine what causes people to engage in terrorist acts. Non-State Actors and State Terrorism State sponsored terrorism involves a state encouraging and supporting terrorists to commit acts of terror against another state. The state may directly sponsor terrorism or allow terrorist groups to operate within its territory. Taliban in Afghanistan is an example of state sponsored terrorism. Asylum to hijackers of civilian aircraft is also considered state sponsored terrorism. State sponsored terrorism is a form of surrogate warfare that involves less risk and is relatively inexpensive. Post 9/11, the USA identified Iran, Cuba, Sudan, and Syria as state sponsors of terrorism and imposed economic and military sanctions against them. Non-state actors ? Non-state actors refer to any actor other than a sovereign state on the international forum They are not members of the United Nations Non-state actors can include inter-governmental organizations, NGOs, and individuals Law-abiding non-state actors include organizations like Amnesty International and Doctors Without Borders Illegal non-state actors include groups such as the Mafia, Colombian drug cartel, and terrorist organizations like Hamas and Al-Qaeda. Counter Terrorist Measures and United Nations The "United Nations Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy" was adopted in 2006. It was the first global strategic framework adopted by the United Nations. The "Counter-Terrorism Implementation Task Force" was established in 2005 to coordinate counter-terrorism measures. Sixteen legal instruments were adopted by the United Nations to provide a legal framework for multilateral actions against terrorism and criminalize specific acts of terrorism. The legal instruments include resolutions of the General Assembly and Security Council. Post 9/11 Developments The September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks in New York, Pentagon towers, often referred to as 9/11, were a series of coordinated suicide attacks by the Islamist terrorist group Al-Qaeda under the leadership of Osama bin Laden. The magnitude of the terrorist attacks was felt worldwide, causing extensive death and destruction and prompting a universal wave of abhorrence for terrorism. The Bush administration expressed their objectives of evicting out the terrorists from Afghanistan and declared the "Axis of Evil" (Iraq, Iran and North Korea) as the next enemies of the civilized world, leading to the War on Taliban and Afghanistan. Post 9/11, terrorists began to expand their networks and activities and the theater of violence targeting westerners continued, with Bali Bombings of 2002 and London tube bombings in 2005 being some examples. Due to geopolitics, USA designated Pakistan as a rogue state but remained as a front ally of the USA in the "Global War on Terrorism (GWOT)." In 2003, USA invaded Iraq under the newly launched War on Terrorism, deposing President Saddam Hussein who was suspected of producing weapons of mass destruction. In 2011, a commando raid under President Obama's administration killed bin Laden in Abbottabad, but it did not end the threat of international terrorism. Post 9/11, Jihadi terrorism has been on an upward trajectory, making the USA and other nations rethink the world order and the threat posed by an unspecified enemy. The worldwide response to the attacks was astounding, and massive international support was extended for deposing the Taliban from Afghanistan. The 9/11 act of terror gained unprecedented prominence and illustrated the dark side of globalization and technological advancement, warfare through the internet, hi-tech aeroplanes, etc. The tragic events of 9/11 ushered in the "war on terrorism," and the September 11 attacks were a turning point in the history of world affairs that painfully demonstrated that even superpowers remain vulnerable and challenged. Global response to terrorism Post 9/11 Prior to 9/11, global response to terrorism was not a priority and domestic acts were often legitimized by states. 9/11 brought a major shift in global response to terrorism, leading to condemnation of such acts and a united front against terrorism. Major collective counter-terrorism measures adopted after 9/11 include Operation Enduring Freedom, counter-terrorism legislations, new global counter-terror institutions, actions to check nuclear proliferation, and policing the cyber space. To combat terrorism, popular opinion against terrorist groups must be galvanized and international treaties and instruments must be strengthened. The world is currently facing the threat of terrorism and the ongoing pandemic, and nations must come together to fight both. The credibility of the newly appointed President Biden's administration will depend on how they effectively deal with the threat of terrorism and other global challenges. D. Migration Understanding Migration Human migration refers to the movement of people from one place to another for the purpose of settling down either temporarily or permanently. There are different nature of migrations, such as internal, external, emigration, immigration, return migration, and seasonal migration. People who migrate can be categorized as emigrants, immigrants, and refugees. Regular migrants are recognized as legitimate members while irregular migrants enter the host country without proper authorization. Voluntary migrants leave their parent country by choice while involuntary migrants have to forcefully leave their parent country. Economic migrants fall within two broad categories - those who have permission to enter a country to work and live there and those who do not. Irregular or illegal migrants are more vulnerable to human rights violations. States have taken positive measures to address human rights concerns of migrants such as decriminalizing irregular migration and ensuring public service providers remain autonomous. Migration Drivers Migration is influenced by macro-, meso-, and micro-level factors that interact in complex ways. Multidimensional differences between places generate a driving environment in which people consider migration as a viable alternative. Economic, political, social, cultural, demographic, and ecological factors are key features of migration drivers. Migration drivers' functionality depends on circumstances, ways and modes, and extent to which sets of driving factors influence migration decision-making and processes. Migration is a highly context-dependent behaviour and specific migration drivers' functionalities are context-specific. Predisposing drivers define the largest, most fundamental layer of opportunity structures. Proximate drivers downscale and localise broader structural dispositions, bringing them closer to potential migrants' immediate perception and choice domains. Ultimately triggering elements of migration serve as the actual reasons why people opt to migrate, such as joblessness or job offers, marriage, threats or persecution, asset loss, and other comparable situations. Migration and Human Rights Human rights are universal and apply to all individuals regardless of their nationality or legal status. International human rights law prohibits discrimination and ensures access to fundamental human rights for all individuals. Human rights are important in ensuring that migrants are not marginalized and become the focus of migration policies and actions. Host countries have a responsibility to protect the lives and freedom of forced migrants who cannot return home due to risks. Forced displacement and development are linked and should be considered in developing progressive and constructive approaches to handling such cases. It is important to identify the root causes of forced displacement, such as flawed development or undemocratic governance, to create a more secure environment for affected individuals. Why Migration is a Problem? The modern world consists of sovereign states with defined borders and territory. States exercise the power to decide who can stay in their territory and for how long. Migration becomes a problem when the state feels that there is a violation of their sovereignty. States impose restrictions on free movement of people between states due to security concerns and the cost of immigration. Welfare states may limit immigration to provide healthcare and other facilities to their citizens. Conservatives and native groups may demand limiting immigration to preserve cultural integrity. Some groups favour open immigration on humanitarian grounds and to preserve individual freedom. Migration at the Global Level There has been a steep rise in international migration since the end of the 20th century. Reasons for the increase include the dissolution of USSR, Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia, population growth, technological development, cheap and easy transportation, and improved communication. According to the International Organization for Migration, 150.3 million people were labor migrants and 4.8 million were student migrants till 2015 and 2016 respectively. 68.5 million people were forcibly displaced by the end of 2017 due to various reasons. India is the country with the highest number of migrants (18 million) followed by Mexico, China, Russian Federation, and Syrian Arab Republic. United States is the top destination for migrants (51 million) followed by Germany, Saudi Arabia, Russian Federation, and United Kingdom. South Asia and Migration Southern Asia is a densely populated sub-region that includes nine countries and 1.94 billion people. The region is a major location for international labor migrants and refugees. Historical events, conflicts, and political instability have had a significant impact on migration movements in the region. Quota systems and discriminatory laws for Asian migrants were abolished in Canada, the United States, and Australia in the 1960s, leading to increased migration from the region. The GCC countries have long been a popular destination for migrant labor from the sub-region, with many working in semi-skilled or specialized roles. Southern Asia is one of the most disaster-prone regions in the world, with a high number of people at risk of being displaced due to natural disasters. The pandemic has had a significant impact on the region, with India being the most affected country in terms of infections and deaths. The South Asia Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) is the most prominent forum for cooperation in Southern Asia, embracing political, economic, social, and cultural cooperation among member states. Migration and Security Southern Asia is a densely populated sub-region that includes nine countries and 1.94 billion people. The region is a major location for international labor migrants and refugees. Historical events, conflicts, and political instability have had a significant impact on migration movements in the region. Quota systems and discriminatory laws for Asian migrants were abolished in Canada, the United States, and Australia in the 1960s, leading to increased migration from the region. The GCC countries have long been a popular destination for migrant labor from the sub-region, with many working in semi-skilled or specialized roles. Southern Asia is one of the most disaster-prone regions in the world, with a high number of people at risk of being displaced due to natural disasters. The pandemic has had a significant impact on the region, with India being the most affected country in terms of infections and deaths. The South Asia Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) is the most prominent forum for cooperation in Southern Asia, embracing political, economic, social, and cultural cooperation among member states. Why Migration should not be a Problem Migration is not a new phenomenon, but it has become a point of consideration due to changes in the way migrants are viewed and treated by host countries and states. Migration can benefit host countries economically by providing cheap labor, enhancing productivity, and adding skill to the workforce, but it can also become a security concern. Migration can cause internal unrest, rivalry, and violence by increasing competition between migrants and locals for jobs, housing, food, medical care, and other resources. Migration is associated with social disorder, crime, and terrorism. Gender dimensions of migration can be seen in human trafficking, where women are the majority of those who are trafficked, and their categorization as illegal migrants, prostitutes, or victims determines their treatment in the host country. The European states used to take immigration as a positive phenomenon in terms of added workforce, but since the late 1960s, the issue of migration started being politicized, which transformed into an issue of securitization during the late 1980s and early 1990s. E. Human Security Introduction The concept of security has been traditionally associated with the state in International Relations, and state security has been prioritized over other types of security. Realism, the dominant theory in IR, prioritizes state security over other types of security, and views peace in a narrow sense as the absence of war. Critical security studies emerged as a reaction to the state-centric militarism of traditional IR and called for broadening and deepening the security agenda. Broadening refers to expanding the analytical horizon of security beyond the military to include environmental, economic, political, and societal spheres. Deepening refers to extending the referent object of security beyond the state to include other actors, such as institutions, individuals, and groups, and even the biosphere. Critical security studies prioritize individual humans over the state and introduced the idea of "security with a human face," focusing on the well-being and welfare of individuals over the protection of states exclusively. Human Security Human security redefines the referent object of security from the state to the individual/people. It is a normative approach that focuses on ethical responsibility to associate security with the individual to meet internationally recognized standards of human rights and governance. There are four different threads of human security: broad development-oriented, focused on armed conflict and repression, an umbrella for non-traditional security issues, and integrating human security into security studies. The concept of human security has been conceptualized and evolved in different spheres with various interests, and its theoretical contributions have developed successfully in its engagement with policy. The UN brought a lacuna in the traditional concept of security by focusing on protection from daily life insecurities such as disease, hunger, unemployment, crime, social conflict, political repression, and environmental hazards, which were neglected in the state/nation-centric approach to security. The state itself can become the biggest danger or enemy for its own people in the post-Cold War world. Linking Development and Security The concept of human security was defined by UNDP in 1994, which includes seven elements: economic security, food security, health security, environmental security, personal security, community security, and political security. Human security aims to ensure that all individuals have the right to exist free of threats, regardless of their sovereign status or individual identity. Underdevelopment and lack of resources have resulted in war and conflict within developing and underdeveloped countries, leading to poverty and insecurity. The concept of human development emphasizes expanding people’s choices and capabilities in terms of income, health, education, environment, and employment. The Human Development Index, developed by UNDP, measures development in terms of income per capita, life expectancy at birth, and educational attainment. The development-security nexus or development-conflict nexus highlights the interdependency between military and non-military threats to security, as underdevelopment can lead to conflict and vice versa. Violent conflicts in Africa exacerbate poverty, political instability, and the risk of violence, causing the deaths of not only conflict-related deaths but also deaths resulting from war-related disease and malnutrition. Human Security Debates The concept of human security is not precisely defined, and there are debates about its meaning and scope. There is a debate about whether human security should have a narrow or broad interpretation. The narrow interpretation focuses on protection from violence and conflict, while the broad interpretation includes protection from a wider range of threats, such as poverty and environmental degradation. There is also a debate about the relationship between human security and state or national security. Some argue that states play an important role in providing human security, while others argue that they are often part of the problem. Another debate centers on the shift from prevention to intervention in the realm of human security, particularly in the context of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) principle. This principle states that states have a responsibility to protect their citizens, and if they fail to do so, other states can intervene to protect them. While the R2P principle has been praised and endorsed by some, it has also been criticized for potentially undermining state sovereignty and leading to unintended consequences. Security Development Nexus Underdevelopment perpetuates poverty, which creates conditions for political instability and conflicts within the state. Insecurity resulting from conflicts hinders development, perpetuating poverty and creating a vicious circle. Development is a guarantee of security, and underdevelopment causes insecurity, making underdeveloped countries a threat to security. Scholars in critical security studies find policies and practices enacted in the name of human security to be insufficient in fulfilling the normative, progressive potential of the idea. The idea that underdevelopment is a security concern justifies continued surveillance and extensive new modes of governing in global peripheries from the global north. The liberal development complexes embrace UN agencies, international NGOs, governments, military establishments, private military companies, and business interests, all of which have a common motive of spreading the idea that liberal governance encourages peace and economic liberalism encourages development. The politics of development channeled by the global north reflects a new security framework within which the modalities of underdevelopment have become dangerous. The Gender Dimension UN Inter-Agency Committee on Women and Gender Equality identifies five aspects of gender and human security: violence against women and girls, gender inequalities in control over resources, gender inequalities in power and decision-making, women's human rights, and women (and men) as actors, not victims. Women are often victims of violence, including rape, torture, and sexual slavery, during conflicts, and the increase in domestic violence and human trafficking in war-affected areas. Women and children make up a disproportionate percentage of refugees. Women participate in conflicts, including combat and support functions, to legitimize their cause and attain social consensus and solidarity. Women's participation in peacekeeping missions improves access and support for local women and makes male peacekeepers more reflective and responsible. The UN Security Council Resolution 1325 in 2000 directed a review of the impact of armed conflict on women and the role of women in peace operations and conflict resolution, revealing that women were still a minority in participating in peace and security negotiations and receiving less attention than men in post-conflict agreements, disarmament, and reconstruction. International Community and Its Role It is difficult to identify specific human security policies among the actions of the international community. Multilateral actions include the establishment of War Crimes Tribunals, International Criminal Court (ICC), and Anti-Personnel Landmines Treaty. The ICC exercises jurisdiction over the most serious crimes of international concern, including genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes, and the crime of aggression. The Convention on the Prohibition of the Use, Stockpiling, Production, and Transfer of Anti-Personnel Mines bans the development, production, acquisition, stockpiling, transfer, and use of anti-personnel mines and requires signatories to destroy their existing stockpiles. UN peacekeeping and peace-building measures have worked towards declining conflict and strengthening human security. The UN Peacebuilding Commission was established in 2006 to assist in post-conflict recovery and reconstruction, institution-building, and sustainable development. The UN has been a main propagator of the idea of humanitarian intervention, a central policy element of human security. Specialized agencies of the UN promote human security, including the UN Development Programme, World Health Organization, UN High Commissioner for Refugees, UN Children's Fund, and UN Development Fund for Women. Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) act as sources of information and early warning about conflicts and provide assistance in relief operations to ensure human security. Conclusion National security is still considered more important than human security. Many countries prioritize military spending over social and economic development. State sovereignty and territorial integrity are given more importance than the security of individuals. Imposed western territorial nation-states can lead to separatist movements and conflict within states, which can result in violations of human security. Authoritarian rule and restrictions on civil liberties can inhibit the achievement of human security. The war on terror has led to the reemergence of national security language and has resulted in violations of civil liberties. Emancipatory politics focused on inclusion and the concept of human security can provide an alternative space for individuals to realize their freedom, autonomy, and agency.

Introduction This chapter examines the shifts in global power and governance since the post-Cold War era, focusing on the rise of China and India and the relevance of nation-states. It encourages to ask more questions about globalization and world order. Globalization Globalization has had a significant impact on the modern world at both macro and micro levels. The concept of globalization is notoriously difficult to define and analyze, and it is considered an essentially contested concept. The end of the Cold War is seen as the start of the era of globalization by some scholars, while others argue that globalization is just a myth and a new buzzword for global capitalism. Scholars like Ian Clark hold that globalization cannot be viewed as the form of world order post-Cold War period but as a complex continuity that helps us in understanding the world as it is. Perspectives on Globalization Let's understand a few such perspectives in detail and organized manner that shall help us understand global shifts in power and governance. 1. Hyper-Globalists Hyperglobalists believe that we live in a borderless world, and nations’ relevance has been on the decline. Globalization is seen as a new political, economic, and cultural order. The flow of information, capital, and innovation is enabled by technology and fueled by consumer desires for access to the best and least expensive products. Hyperglobalists can be found on both the left and right sides of the political spectrum. Neo-liberals see globalization as a political and economic project that benefits the greatest number of individuals. Marxists or Para-Marxists see globalization as a great threat that increases inequality and causes damage to marginalized sections of society. 2. Skeptical Internationalists Sceptics argue that the newness of globalization is overly emphasized. They argue that the present international or the "globalness" of the economy is not a new phenomenon. Empirical evidence shows that the international economy between 1870 to 1914 was perhaps more open than our global economy today. Hirst and Thompson (1999) assert that we do not have a fully globalized economy, but rather an international economy. 3. Grounding Globalization Proponents argue that quantitative data provided by sceptics is not enough to explain the world of globalization. They argue that earlier economies were shallow while modern economies are deeply integrated. Proponents focus on the process of shift to deep integration and the tedious process behind it. 4. Transformationalists Transformationalists take a middle ground between globalists and sceptics on the impact of globalization on nation-states. They acknowledge that globalization has impacted nation-states but argue that the impact differs in various aspects of state functions. Transformationalists reject the grand narratives of globalists and sceptics as they oversimplify the complicated picture of globalization. Globalization is an essentially contested concept, and it is challenging to understand its nature and impacts. Global Shift in Relative Power Power is a prominent aspect of international politics Defining and measuring power is difficult, with various definitions and approaches Traditionally, power was seen as a possession or property of states The relational approach challenges this by defining power as the relationship between actors Power shift means a change in the relationship between two actors. Some of the popular definitions are as follows - “The test of a Great Power is the test of strength for war”–A.P.J. Taylor. “Power is the ability to get others to do what they otherwise would not do”–Robert Dahl. Now let's understand the dimensions of power 1.Military power Military power is the traditional view of power. Realists measured the capacity of the state by military might. This perception of power dominated for a long period, especially during the Cold War. Many scholars still identify power only with military strength. This kind of power is deemed necessary for the nation's security. This kind of power can be termed as Hard Power. 2. Economic Power Economic power is the ability of a nation to satisfy its needs. Strong economic base is necessary for a strong military might. The arms race during the Cold War between the USA and the Soviet Union wouldn't have been possible without the investment and improvement of their economies. The rise of China, Japan, and Asian tigers demonstrate the significance of economic power in world politics. 3. Soft Power Soft power is the ability of A to make B want what A wants, in contrast to hard power which is the ability to get others to act in ways that are contrary to their initial preferences. Hard power alone cannot fully explain power dimensions and is often costly, hence the importance of soft power. Soft power is increasingly emphasized by both the liberal and realist schools. Now let's understand the global shifts in power witnessed after the Cold War. Joseph Nye categorizes these shifts into two types: a) Power shift among the states Scholars have identified the concept of power transition, where the global shift of relative power occurs between dominant countries. Modelski identifies five hegemonic cycles in history: Portugal, Netherlands, Britain, and the United States of America since the end of World War II. The financial crisis of 2008 led to the Rise of Asia, particularly China and India. Some experts refer to the shift in global power from West to East as the "Rise of Asia," while others prefer "Return of Asia" or "Rise of the Rest." Japan and Asian Tigers have had economic success but have failed to balance economic and military power, and after the Asian financial crisis of 1997, their relative economic power was weakened. China's economic growth has impacted the world profoundly, with the country becoming a dominant economic power and a growing presence in Africa and West Asia. China's foreign policy remains focused on economic aspects, and its soft power is growing. b) Power shift from states to Non-state actors Refers to the growing power of non-state actors such as multinational corporations, NGOs, and international organizations in shaping global politics. Power diffusion refers to the shift of power from states to non-state actors such as international organizations, multinational corporations, and terrorist organizations. Issues such as climate change and the global economy have forced nation-states to devolve certain powers to international organizations. The emergence of multilateral bodies such as IBSA and BRICS represents a shift in power away from traditional great powers. The influence of non-state actors varies depending on the economic and political strength of the nation-states they operate in. Violent non-state actors like terrorist organizations pose a serious security challenge to nation-states. Shifts in Global Governance The Westphalian order established the sovereignty of nation-states in the international system, with no sovereign authority above them to regulate external affairs. James N. Rosenau distinguishes between government and governance, with governance being a more encompassing phenomenon that includes non-governmental mechanisms. Governance without government refers to an order with intentionality that includes international regimes and various state and non-state actors. The rise of revisionist powers since the end of the Cold War has impacted international regimes, but not all have undergone the same changes. International regimes are specialized arrangements that pertain to well-defined activities, resources, or geographical areas. The shift in power in global governance cannot be fully captured by analyzing various organizations, but there is still a long way to go in restructuring global governance to reflect global realities and be more democratic. Conclusion The idea of a definitive shift of power from West to East or North to South is oversimplified and ignores the developmental gap within the global South. The rise of revisionist powers cannot be completely explained in terms of relative power, but also includes shared characteristics, values, and effective diplomatic coordination. It is difficult to determine who is "up" or "down" in the power race of global politics. The decline of the United States has been a recurring theme in world politics since the post-World War II era. The narrative of the rise of revisionist powers is dominant in the public psyche, and it is important to understand what these powers stand for and how they improve or emancipate the masses.

What are we going to learn into this unit? The chapter aims to provide an overview of comparative politics and its nature and scope. It explains the rationale for comparing political systems and the methods of comparison. It highlights the problem of Eurocentrism in comparative politics. Comparative politics is one of the three main subfields of political science, alongside political theory and international relations. Comparison goes beyond identifying similarities and differences and helps to study political phenomena in a larger framework of relationships, ultimately deepening our understanding and explanation of political phenomena. Nature and Scope of Comparative Politics Here we are going to talk about the idea of "functional equivalence" in comparative politics. This means that instead of just looking at how things are similar or different, we should also think about what they do and how they work. For example, the military might do more than just protect a country's borders, or the president might have different jobs in different countries. This helps us understand things better and compare them more effectively. 1. Nature of Comparative Politics Comparative politics mainly compares national political systems, but also sub-national, supranational, and individual components. It analyzes political systems in various societies and units within and beyond states. It has three traditions: oriented towards the study of single countries, methodological, and analytical. The first tradition focuses on studying countries in isolation without engaging in comparison. The second tradition seeks to establish rules and standards for comparison. The third tradition is analytical and combines empirical description with method, identifying and explaining differences and similarities between countries and their institutions, actors, and processes. 2. Comparative Politics Scope Comparative politics has been criticized for being Eurocentric, implying that the "western model" is superior. The traditional approach of comparative politics has limitations, including being noncomparative, parochial, static, and monographic. Neera Chandoke builds on these critiques and identifies a crisis in comparative politics due to a general attack on grand theorization, an ethnocentric focus on studying the "other," and challenges to the nation-state as a category of comparison. Methodological problems include selection bias and an overemphasis on the behavioral approach, which tries to explain social phenomenon using scientific methods. The seminal work by Gabriel Almond and Sydney Verba, The Civic Culture, was criticized for being ethnocentric and an attempt to quantify political orientations and categorize countries without considering dynamic and contextual specificities. What's the need to compare? Comparing things is a natural part of human behavior, and it's important in politics too. Todd Landman identified four reasons for comparison: contextual description, classification, hypothesis-testing, and prediction. Let's understand these comparison method in detail- 1. Contextual description Comparative politics helps political scientists understand other countries. Its primary objective is to describe political phenomena and events in specific countries or groups of countries. Comparative politics provides an outside observer with a better understanding of a political system. Critics argue that single-country studies are not truly comparative, but studying a particular country or group of countries has benefits. For example, analyzing the political system of the United Kingdom can help us understand the benefits and limitations of a parliamentary system and assess similar or opposite systems in other countries. 2. Classification Comparative politics involves simplifying and categorizing information to make it easier to observe. Classification allows for grouping categories that are not identical but have some level of similarity. The classification system helps to make the world of politics less complex. Aristotle used a similar logic to classify city-states into six categories based on the forms of rule. Theda Skocpol's States and Social Revolutions uses classification to analyze the role of state structures, international forces, and class relations in the French, Russian, and Chinese revolutions. 3. Hypothesis-testing After classifying information, the next step is to understand factors that explain what has been described and classified. This is called "hypothesis testing" and involves searching for factors to build better theories. This step is focused on analysis and seeks to establish relationships among variables. Comparative research allows for testing of "hypothesized empirical relationships among variables." Comparing countries and testing hypotheses leads to accumulation of more information and improves knowledge about the world. 4. Prediction Comparing countries and making generalizations can help predict likely outcomes in other countries. A robust theory can be developed based on the comparison of countries and their outcomes. Predictions about future outcomes can also be made based on certain factors and conditions. A good theory should be able to predict outcomes with better accuracy. Comparison provides a perspective to understand less-known political systems and differences in outcomes in different socio-political settings. Hague, Harrop and McComrick identify two major purposes of comparative politics: broadening one's understanding of the political world and predicting political outcomes. Newton and Van Deth provide three important reasons for studying comparative politics: understanding one's own country, understanding other countries, and arriving at valid generalizations about government and politics. Comparative politics is an important aspect of broader political analysis that involves describing, analyzing, predicting, and generalizing. Comparison Methods By studying variables in different countries, we can gain insights into how politics works in those countries and make comparisons between them. Kopstein and Lichbach suggest that there are three main factors that affect how political systems operate: interests, identities, and institutions. 1. Focus on Interest Some comparativists focus on interests, believing that people act based on rational calculations to maximize their material interests. Others focus on identities, arguing that people's beliefs and values shape their political behavior and decisions. The third group of comparativists focus on institutions, suggesting that the rules and norms of a society shape people's actions and decisions. All three variables - interests, identities, and institutions - have an impact on how political systems operate. 2. Focus on Identities Some comparativists focus on identity as the most important factor. They argue that one's interest is defined by one's identity, rather than objective interests. The two most common forms of identities are religion and ethnicity. People define their interests in terms of their identity, leading to examples such as religious support for a theocratic regime or support for a political party based on caste or religion. Newer identities, such as those based on gender and the environment, are also emerging in modern societies. Recent US elections have shown how historical and newer identities interact to shape people's choices. 3. Focus on Institutions Comparativists focus on interests, identities, and institutions to understand how political systems operate in different countries. Some comparativists believe that people's material interests drive their political choices, while others argue that identity plays a more significant role. Institutions, such as electoral systems and other rules and procedures, also shape political outcomes in different countries. Combining these approaches can lead to a broader understanding of political issues. James Stuart Mill proposed five strategies for undertaking comparison, including the method of agreement, difference, and residues, as well as the joint method of agreement and difference and the method of concomitant variations. Comparative politics is the study of differences and similarities between different political systems, and there are different ways to approach it. Scholars have focused on material interests, identities, and institutions as determinants of how politics works. Political philosopher James Stuart Mill provides five strategies for undertaking comparison, with the joint method of agreement and difference being relevant to comparative politics. However, one should be careful about what and how to compare, and different research methods could be employed based on the question asked. The comparison can be spatial, longitudinal, or functional. Therefore, a single method will not be useful for comparative politics. Going beyond Eurocentrism The discipline of political science has been criticized for its Eurocentrism and limited focus on Great Britain, France, Germany, and the Soviet Union. Efforts to expand the scope of the discipline have been based on the same worldview that ignores the worldviews of others. A "third world perspective" began to emerge during the 1940s and 1950s, mostly limited to the Latin American experience. Dependency theory emerged as a critique of modernization theory from a Neo-Marxist perspective. Paul Baran used Marxist theory of surplus and identified four classes that had no interest in promoting industrialization and appropriated the surplus. Andre Gunder Frank provided the idea of "Development of Underdevelopment", arguing that the backwardness of the Third World was an outcome of the colonial experience and foreign domination. A.G. Frank formulated a "metropolis-satellite model" to explain the underdevelopment of the Third World, emphasizing unequal trade relations. Samir Amin provided the concept of "Centre and Periphery", with the Centre able to extract resources and cheap Labor from the Periphery. Dos Santos discussed three historical forms of dependency: colonial dependence, financial-industrial dependence, and technological-industrial dependence. Underdeveloped countries rely on foreign capital, leading to political dependence and a high rate of exploitation or super exploitation of labor power. Monopolistic control over foreign capital, foreign finance, and foreign technology perpetuates the asymmetric relationship between the Centre and Periphery. Conclusion Comparative politics is a sub-discipline of political science that involves description, analysis, prediction, and generalization of political activity. It has been criticized for being Eurocentric, parochial, formalistic, and excessively descriptive. Scholars have sought to address these issues by situating political processes in historical, cultural, and geographic contexts, and by advocating for a shift towards a middle-level grounded theory approach. There has been a renewed focus on case-oriented studies, as opposed to universalizing concepts. However, this approach has also been criticized as not being testable when there are multiple factors at play. Despite its limitations, comparative politics remains an important sub-discipline that provides insight into contemporary national, regional, and international politics through descriptive, analytical, and methodological frames of reference.

A. Ancient Roots of Public Administration: Perspectives from India (Kautilya’s Arthashastra) Introduction Public administration is an old discipline that dates back to ancient civilizations. Indian administration is one of the oldest administrative systems in the world. The history of ancient Indian administration dates back to the Harappan times and continued up to the establishment of the Mughal administration. In ancient India, village administration was more important than state administration, and it was rooted in the Vedic times. The Ramayana and Mahabharata mention administrative officers and departments. Kautilya's Arthashastra provides a detailed description of the administration of the state, which was divided into provinces, districts, villages, and urban and rural centers. Modern principles of administration have their roots in ancient Indian administration, and coordination between departments and hierarchy were present. Kautilya's Arthashastra is the most important work on public administration in ancient India, written between 321 and 300 B.C. EVOLUTION OF INDIAN ADMINISTRATION Indian Administration traces its earliest known form to the tribal system which later evolves into a monarchical system. The early Vedic period saw many tribes electing their own chiefs to handle their responsibilities and administration. The first form of the 'State' in India can be traced back to the times of Manu, the first King according to Hinduism, who was appointed to bring order to society and ensure mutual benefit and justice. The Ramayana and Mahabharata/Later Vedic times portray the role of the King as the whole and sole of administration being helped by principal officers such as the Purohit and Senani. Other figures of administration were Treasurer, Steward, Spies and Messengers, Charioteer, and Superintendent of Dices. Custom of the country prevailed as the law, and trials took place where justice was delivered by the King in consultancy with the Priest and Elders. By the time Kautilya wrote the ArthaShastra, the Indian Administrative system was well-developed, and the treatise of Kautilya gives a detailed account of the same. KAUTILYA'S ARTHASHASTRA The Mauryan period, from ancient Indian history, saw major development in Indian Administration, with decentralization and village units being a key part of efficient administration. The Arthashastra, written by Kautilya between 321 and 300 BC, details the functioning of the chief executive, bureaucracy, and public welfare in an autocratic agrarian state. The State was viewed as an institutional necessity for human advancement, and its prime function was to maintain law and order. The empire was divided into a Home Province and outlying provinces, with a feudal-federal type of organization. Corruption was dealt with severely, and there were two courts, the civil cases court and criminal cases court. Agriculture was the mainstay, and taxes on goods were levied. The King was the head, and his functions were military, judicial, legislative, and executive, similar to a modern state's President. WEAKNESSES OF THE KAUTILYAN STATE: Over charged with supervision - too much of checks and balances. Prominence on individuals instead of institutions. Fundamental mistrust of officials. The Guptas carried forward the Mauryan legacy of administration in many respects. KAUTILYAN ADMINISTRATION AND MODERN PERSONNEL ADMINISTRATION AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION Kautilya's Arthashastra provides a clear system of recruitment, job permanency, salaries, and terms and conditions of service for government officials. The King appoints and dismisses personnel, divides the work of government into different ministries, and stresses the need for specialist and generalist personnel at different levels of administration. The Arthashastra also emphasizes on the importance of division of labour, coordination, and full accountability to the King for efficient administration. It discusses local self-government that resembles a precursor to the modern state local self-government model. Kautilya's approach is practical, focusing on amorality, rationality, and efficiency, with a great deal of focus on accountability, honesty, and vigilance in running a neutral administration. METHODOLOGY About the hermeneutics research methodology, which involves interpreting and understanding ancient literature and religious texts as well as contemporary texts and systems of meaning. Hermeneutics extends beyond written documents to any object subject to interpretation. The hermeneutic system includes investigating and interpreting human behavior, including language, social institutions, and ritual behaviors. Kautilya's Arthashastra, written in Sanskrit, is interpreted in this paper in the context of management. The sutra or aphorism system of teaching with any body of language is a unique system developed and used for many thousands of years. The text translates some of Kautilya's sutras or aphorisms into the context of modern organizational management and provides interpretation and explanation of the terms used in the Arthashastra, such as the state as an organization, the king as the CEO, ministers as department managers, kosh as finances, danda as the administrative or management system, durg as the security system, and bal as the workforce. Management and Kautilya’s Arthashastra It discusses how management is an interdisciplinary field that draws on various fields such as psychology, sociology, and economics. It also highlights how understanding organizational behavior is crucial for human resource management, and how effective management requires an in-depth knowledge of past and present management models and theories. The Kautilya's Arthashastra is presented as a text that deals with various aspects of management, including strategic management, financial management, accounting, human resource management, corporate governance, and social responsibility. The first five sutras of Kautilya's text provide basic lessons in the foundations of management, emphasizing the importance of ethics, resources, organizations, self-discipline, and training. To conclude, it also touches upon the Indian cultural emphasis on ethical behavior, equitable distribution of wealth, and the happiness of the many. B. Modern PA: An overview of the theoretical journey The theoretical journey of modern public administration, organized by major eras and movements: 1. Era of Scientific Management and Classical Administration (1890s-1920s) This era was characterized by a focus on efficiency and effectiveness in government operations, inspired by Frederick Winslow Taylor's principles of scientific management in industry. Key figures in this era include Woodrow Wilson, who emphasized the need for a trained and professional civil service, and Max Weber, who introduced the concept of bureaucracy as a rational and efficient form of organization. 2. Era of Behavioralist (1930s-1950s) This era shifted the focus of public administration from a mechanistic view of bureaucracy to a more humanistic view, emphasizing the role of individual behavior and motivation in organizational performance. Key figures in this era include Mary Parker Follett, who advocated for a more collaborative and participatory approach to management, and Chester Barnard, who emphasized the importance of informal organizations and communication within bureaucracies. 3. Era of Systems Theory (1960s-1970s) This era expanded the focus of public administration to include a systems perspective, which viewed organizations as complex and interconnected systems that interact with their environment. Key figures in this era include Herbert Simon, who introduced the concept of bounded rationality and the importance of decision-making processes in organizations, and James Thompson, who developed the concept of organizations as open systems. 4. Era of Public Choice Theory (1970s-1980s) This era brought a focus on the economic principles of decision-making to public administration, emphasizing the role of incentives and self-interest in government decision-making. Key figures in this era include James Buchanan, who developed the concept of public choice theory and the importance of analyzing government decision-making in terms of individual preferences, and Anthony Downs, who introduced the concept of rational choice and the importance of understanding the incentives that drive individual behavior. 5. Era of New Public Management (1980s-1990s) This era brought a focus on the application of business principles to public administration, emphasizing the importance of performance measurement, accountability, and market-based solutions. Key figures in this era include David Osborne and Ted Gaebler, who introduced the concept of reinventing government and the need for government to focus on results and customer service, and Christopher Hood, who developed the concept of new public management and the importance of performance measurement and accountability in government. 6. Era of Public Value Theory (2000s-present) This era has brought a renewed focus on the public value of government, emphasizing the importance of public participation, ethical decision-making, and social equity. Key figures in this era include Mark Moore, who introduced the concept of public value and the need for government to focus on outcomes that matter to the public, and Elinor Ostrom, who developed the concept of collaborative governance and the importance of involving stakeholders in decision-making processes. Overall, the theoretical journey of modern public administration has been characterized by a shifting focus from efficiency and effectiveness to human behavior and motivation, from mechanistic views of bureaucracy to systems perspectives, from economic principles of decision-making to performance measurement and accountability, and from market-based solutions to public value and social equity. C. Principles of Public Administration Public administration is the study and practice of managing government operations and policies. Principles of public administration are a set of fundamental beliefs that guide the decision-making and actions of public administrators. These principles are essential for effective and ethical public service delivery. In this article, we will discuss the key principles of public administration. 1. Responsiveness Responsiveness is a key principle of public administration that focuses on the need for public officials to be attentive to the concerns and needs of the public. It is the responsibility of public administrators to respond to the needs and expectations of citizens and stakeholders. The principle of responsiveness is closely linked to the concept of accountability, which requires public officials to answer to the public for their actions. 2. Efficiency Efficiency is another important principle of public administration. Public administrators must ensure that government operations are conducted in the most efficient and effective manner possible. This requires the efficient use of resources, such as time, money, and personnel. The goal of efficiency is to maximize the benefits of government services while minimizing waste. 3. Effectiveness Effectiveness is a principle of public administration that emphasizes the importance of achieving desired outcomes. Public administrators must ensure that government policies and programs are effective in achieving their intended objectives. This requires the use of evidence-based decision-making and rigorous evaluation methods to measure the effectiveness of government interventions. 4. Equity Equity is a fundamental principle of public administration that requires the fair and just treatment of all citizens. Public administrators must ensure that government policies and programs are designed and implemented in a way that promotes fairness and equal treatment. This requires the identification and elimination of discriminatory practices and the promotion of social justice. 5. Rule of Law The rule of law is a principle of public administration that emphasizes the importance of adherence to legal and constitutional principles. Public administrators must ensure that government policies and programs are in compliance with relevant laws and regulations. This requires the promotion of transparency, accountability, and the protection of individual rights and freedoms. 6. Transparency Transparency is a principle of public administration that emphasizes the importance of openness and accountability. Public administrators must ensure that government operations are conducted in a transparent manner, and that information is readily available to the public. This requires the promotion of open and accessible government processes and the protection of public information. 7. Accountability Accountability is a principle of public administration that emphasizes the importance of public officials being held responsible for their actions. Public administrators must ensure that government policies and programs are accountable to the public, and that there are mechanisms in place to hold public officials accountable for their actions. This requires the promotion of ethical standards and the enforcement of legal and regulatory requirements. Thus, the principles of public administration are essential for the effective and ethical delivery of public services. Public administrators must adhere to these principles to ensure that government operations are responsive, efficient, effective, equitable, transparent, and accountable. By following these principles, public administrators can build trust with the public and promote good governance. D. Theorizing Public Administration 1. Theorizing Public Administration is a crucial aspect of the study of public administration, as it provides a framework for understanding and analyzing the complex nature of the public sector. Public administration involves the management of public policies, programs, and services by government entities. Theorizing public administration, therefore, involves the study of the theories and concepts that inform how public administration functions. 2. The Importance of Theorizing Public Administration Theorizing public administration helps to provide a deeper understanding of the complexities of public administration. It also helps to inform the development of policies, programs, and services that can effectively address the needs of citizens. By studying public administration theory, scholars and practitioners can better understand the underlying values, principles, and assumptions that inform public administration practice. 3. Key Theories of Public Administration There are several key theories of public administration that have emerged over time, including: Classical Theory: This theory emerged in the late 19th century and was focused on developing a scientific approach to management. Key proponents of this theory include Frederick Taylor, Henri Fayol, and Max Weber. Behavioral Theory: This theory emerged in the mid-20th century and focused on the importance of human behavior in public administration. Key proponents of this theory include Chester Barnard, Herbert Simon, and Mary Parker Follett. Systems Theory: This theory emerged in the mid-20th century and focused on the interconnectedness of different parts of the public administration system. Key proponents of this theory include Ludwig von Bertalanffy and Kenneth Boulding. New Public Management: This theory emerged in the 1980s and focused on the application of private sector management practices to public administration. Key proponents of this theory include David Osborne and Ted Gaebler. 4. The Evolution of Public Administration Theory Over time, public administration theory has evolved to reflect changes in the political, social, and economic context of public administration. For example, the emergence of the New Public Management theory in the 1980s reflected a shift toward a more market-oriented approach to public administration. Similarly, the development of e-government has led to the emergence of new theories focused on the use of technology in public administration. Conclusion In conclusion, theorizing public administration is an essential aspect of the study of public administration. By understanding the underlying theories and concepts that inform public administration practice, scholars and practitioners can better develop policies, programs, and services that effectively address the needs of citizens. Additionally, the evolution of public administration theory over time reflects the changing context of public administration and the need for ongoing adaptation and innovation in the field.

INTRODUCTION The Revolt of 1857 was a significant rebellion in India between 1857 and 1858 against the government of the British East India Company, which acted as a sovereign power on behalf of the British Crown. The uprising began on May 10, 1857, with a mutiny of Company army sepoys at the garrison town of Meerut, 40 miles northeast of Delhi. It eventually burst into further mutinies and civilian rebellions, primarily in the upper Gangetic plain and central India, though there were also incidents of insurrection in the north and east. Revolt of 1857 - Background Following the Battle of Plassey in 1757, the British took the first step toward gaining control of northern India. And in 1857, there was a great 'Revolt,' which was a result of the character and practices of colonial administration after 1757, and which resulted in significant changes in British policy toward India. Over time, the cumulative effect of British expansionist tactics, economic exploitation, and administrative innovations had harmed all—rulers of Indian states, sepoys, zamindars, peasants, traders, craftsmen, gurus, maulvis, and so on. In 1857, the simmering anger erupted in a violent storm that rocked the British empire in India to its very core. However, there were intermittent public eruptions in the form of religiopolitical violence, tribal movements, peasant uprisings, agrarian riots, and civil rebellions between 1757 and 1857. Even in famine years, increased revenue expectations sparked resentment. Because the moneylenders had the protection of the police, many protests against local moneylenders escalated into rebellions against the Company's control. Interference by the British in native religious/traditional rituals sparked discontent and led to rebellions. Rebellions and uprisings happened almost from the beginning of the East India Company's reign, for various reasons in various places. Even after the 1857 Revolt, some of the movements persisted. Major revolts broke out in the south, east, west, and north-eastern districts, which the Company brutally repressed. Revolt of 1857 - Causes The origins of the 1857 revolt, like those of previous uprisings, arose from all facts - sociocultural, economic, and political - of the Indian population's everyday existence, cutting across all sectors and classes. Economic Causes The East India Company's colonial practices shattered Indian society's conventional economic foundation. Due to severe taxes, peasants were forced to take out loans from moneylenders/traders at exorbitant interest rates, with the latter frequently evicting the former from their property for non-payment of debt dues. While the issue of landless peasants and rural indebtedness has plagued Indian society to this day, these moneylenders and businessmen emerged as the new landlords. The zamindari system, which had been in place for a long time, had to be dismantled. The artists and handicrafts people suffered during the British administration as well. Furthermore, British policies discouraged Indian handicrafts while emphasizing British items. At the same time, imports of British products into India were subject to cheap duties, which encouraged their admission. Cotton and silk textile exports from India had virtually ceased by the mid-nineteenth century. With the frequent use of a status quo by the state, Zamindars, the traditional landed nobility, had their property rights confiscated. The sepoy revolution provided a chance for these dispossessed taluqdars to confront the British and reclaim what they had lost. The collapse of Indian industry exacerbated the burden on agriculture and land, which could no longer sustain all of the country's inhabitants; the country's uneven development led to pauperization in general. Political Causes Through policies like 'Effective Control,' 'Subsidiary Alliance,' and 'Doctrine of Lapse,' the East India Company's greedy policy of aggrandizement accompanied by broken pledges and promises resulted in contempt for the Company And the loss of political prestige, as well as caused suspicion in the minds of almost all the ruling princes in India. Hindu princes were denied the right of succession. The Mughals were mortified when, following Prince Faqiruddin's death in 1856, Lord Canning declared that, in addition to the renunciations agreed to by Prince Faqiruddin, the next prince on succession would have to surrender the royal title and the ancestral Mughal palaces. The fall of rulers - the old aristocracy - had a negative impact on those sectors of Indian society that relied on cultural and religious pursuits for their livelihood. Administrative Causes Corruption was rampant in the Company's administration particular among the police, minor officials and subordinate courts, which was a major source of dissatisfaction. Many historians believe that the current levels of corruption in India are a result of the Company's control. Furthermore, the nature of British rule gave it a distant and alien appearance in the view of Indians: a form of absentee sovereignty. Socio-Religious Causes The British administration's attitude toward the native Indian population had racial overtones and a superiority mentality. Indians viewed the activity of Christian missionaries in India who flew the British flag with distrust. A considerable segment of the populace saw initiatives at socio-religious change, such as the elimination of sati, support for widow-marriage, and women's education, as outsiders interfering in the social and religious spheres of Indian culture. These fears were exacerbated by the government's decision to tax mosque and temple lands and the passage of laws like the Religious Disabilities Act of 1856, which altered Hindu customs by declaring, for example, that a change of religion did not prevent a son from inheriting his 'heathen' father's property. Influence of Outside Events The revolt of 1857 occurred during the First Afghan War (1838–42),the Punjab Wars (1845–49), and the Crimean Wars (1854–56), all of which cost the British a lot of money. These have clear psychological ramifications. The British were perceived as being weak, and it was thought that they might be vanquished. Dissatisfaction Among the Sepoys The sepoys' religious views and biases increasingly clashed with the circumstances of duty in the Company's Army and cantonments. Indian sepoys who were generally conservative by nature, interpreted restrictions on wearing caste and sectarian marks, as well as secret rumors of chaplains proselytizing activities(often maintained at the Company's expense, which meant at Indian expense) as interference in their religious affairs. Crossing the seas meant losing one's caste to the devout Hindus of the period. The General Service Enlistment Act, passed by Lord Canning's administration in 1856, compelled all future recruits to the Bengal Army to submit a promise to serve wherever the government wanted their services. There was animosity as a result of this. In comparison to his British colleague the Indian sepoy was equally dissatisfied with his pay. The edict that they would not be awarded the foreign service allowance (Bhatta) when serving in Sindh or Punjab was a more immediate source of displeasure for the sepoys. The acquisition of Awadh, the home of numerous sepoys, aggravated their emotions even more. At every turn, the Indian sepoy was treated as a second-class citizen, discriminated against ethnically and in issues of advancement and privileges. The sepoys' unhappiness was not restricted to military problems; it expressed a broader dissatisfaction with and hostility to British authority. In truth, the sepoy was a peasant in uniform whose mindset was not separated from the revolt The Revolt The incidence of greased cartridges finally sparked the Revolt of 1857. There was a rumor that the new Enfield rifles' cartridges were lubricated with cow and pig fat. The sepoys had to nibble off the paper on the cartridges before loading these guns. They were rebuffed by both Hindu and Muslim sepoys. Lord Canning attempted to right the wrong by withdrawing the problematic cartridges, but the harm had already been done. There was rioting in several locations. The revolt began on May 10, 1857, at Meerut, 58 kilometers from Delhi, and quickly spread across a large territory, encompassing Punjab in the north and the Narmada in the south, as well Bihar in the east and Rajputana in the west. There were rumblings of dissatisfaction in many cantonments even before the Meerut tragedy. In February 1857, the 19thNative Infantry at Berhampur(West Bengal), which refused to use the newly imported Enfield rifle and mutinied, was dissolved. Mangal Panday, a young sepoy in the 34th Native Infantry, went a step further and shot at his unit's sergeant major at Barrackpore. On April 8, he was overcome and hanged, and his unit was dissolved in May. Then there was the blast in Meerut. The lubricated cartridges were declined by 90 troops of the 3rd Native Cavalry on April 24. On May 9, 85 of them were found guilty, condemned to ten years in jail, and placed in shackles. The Indian soldiers stationed at Meerut erupted in a widespread mutiny as a result of this. They liberated their imprisoned friends the next day, May 10, executed their superiors, and raised the insurrection flag. After sunset, they left for Delhi. The greased cartridges did not establish a new source of dissatisfaction in the Army; rather, they provided the catalyst for long-simmering resentment to surface. Bahadur Shah - Head of the Revolt The Great Revolt's epicenter would soon be Delhi, and Bahadur Shah would be its emblem. This spontaneous elevation of the last Mughal ruler to the throne of India was a recognition that the Mughal dynasty's lengthy reign had become the traditional emblem of India's political unity. The sepoys had turned a military mutiny into a revolutionary war with this one deed, and all Indian chiefs who took part in the insurrection rushed to declare their allegiance to the Mughal emperor. It also implied that the insurgents were acting for political reasons Though religion had a role, the rebels' overall worldview was shaped more by their image of the British as the common enemy than by their religious identity. Leaders of the Revolt and Storm Centres The uprising expanded over the whole region, from Patna's outskirts to Rajasthan's borders. Kanpur, Lucknow, Bareilly, Jhansi, Gwalior, and Arrah in Bihar are the primary centers of insurrection in these areas. Lucknow was the capital of the Awadh state. Begum Hazrat Mahal, one of the ex-king of Awadh's Begum, assumed command of the insurrection. Nana Saheb, the adopted son of Peshwa Baji Rao II, led the mutiny at Kanpur. He joined the insurrection largely because the British had taken away his pension. The victory was fleeting. After further forces came, the British were able to regain Kanpur. The uprising was put down with fury. Nana Saheb managed to flee, but his superb leader Tantia Tope fought on. Tantia Tope was defeated, jailed, and hung in the end. When the British refused to acknowledge her adopted son's claim to the kingdom of Jhansi, the twenty-two-year-old Rani Lakshmi Bai commanded the rebels. She battled valiantly against the British army, but the English eventually overpowered her. After Rani Lakshmi Bai fled, she was joined by Tantia Tope, and the two marched to Gwalior, where they were arrested. There was a fierce battle, and the Rani of Jhansi fought like a tigress till she perished, battling until the last. The British were able to retake Gwalior. Contributions of Civilians The sepoy revolt was accompanied by a civil populace uprising, mainly in the north-western regions and Awadh. Their long-held complaints were quickly expressed, and they rose in force to voice their resistance to British authority. The farmers, craftsmen, shopkeepers, day laborers, zamindars, religious mendicants, priests, and public servants all participated in the insurrection, giving it actual power and the appearance of a popular uprising. Peasants and petty zamindars vented their frustrations here by assaulting the moneylenders and zamindars who had evicted them from their land. They took advantage of the uprising to destroy the accounts and debt records of the moneylenders. They also targeted law courts, revenue offices (tehsils), tax records, and police stations, all of which were founded by the British. Within a month after the rebels captured Delhi, the uprising had spread to other regions of the country. Suppression of the Revolt After a lengthy and bloody battle, the British finally took Delhi on September 20, 1857, and the uprising was eventually put down. The siege's commander, John Nicholson was severely wounded and died as a result of his injuries. Bahadur Shah was apprehended and imprisoned. The royal princes were apprehended and killed on the spot by Lieutenant Hudson, who shot them at point-blank range. In 1862, the emperor was banished to Rangoon, where he died. As a result, the mighty Mughal dynasty was ultimately and totally destroyed. All of the revolt's major leaders fell one by one. The military operations to retake Kanpur were intertwined with those to reclaim Lucknow. British control over India was largely restored by the end of 1859. The British government had to send massive amounts of soldiers, money, and guns into the nation, albeit the Indians had to pay for it all afterward by suppressing themselves. Causes of Failure of the Revolt All-India participation was absent - One cause was the revolt's limited geographical extension. It lacked an all-India veneer; India's eastern, southern, and western regions were mostly unharmed. This was most likely due to the Company's harsh suppression of previous uprisings in those areas. All classes did not join - Even Awadh talukdars backed off after pledges of land restoration were spelled out, and big zamindars served as storm breakers.' Moneylenders and merchants were particularly vulnerable to the mutineers' rage, and their interests were better safeguarded under British patronage. Educated Indians saw the insurrection as backward-looking, pro-feudal, and a backlash to modernity by old conservative forces; these individuals had great hopes that the British would usher in a period of modernization. The majority of Indian kings declined to join and frequently aided the British. Poor Arms and Equipment -The Indian forces were inadequately armed, fighting mostly with swords and spears, with few cannons and muskets. European soldiers, on the other hand, were armed with cutting-edge weaponry such as the Enfield rifle. The electric telegraph kept the commander-in-chief up to date on the rebels' movements and plans. Uncoordinated and Poorly Organized - The uprising was poorly organized, with no central leadership or coordination. In terms of generalship, the main rebel commanders - Nana Saheb, Tantia Tope, Kunwar Singh, and Laxmibai- were no match for their British opponents. The East India Company, on the other hand, was lucky to have persons of remarkable ability such as the Lawrence brothers, John Nicholson, James Outram, Henry Havelock, and others. No Unified Ideology- The mutineers lacked a thorough knowledge of colonial control, as well as a future-oriented agenda, a cohesive philosophy, a political vision, and a sociological alternative. The insurgents represented a variety of forces with varying grievances and political ideologies. At this point in Indian history lack of unity among Indians was probably inescapable. In India, modern nationalism was unheard of. In reality, the insurrection of 1857 was essential in drawing the Indian people together and instilling in them a sense of belonging to a single country. Nature and Consequences of the Revolt The uprising of 1857 was a watershed moment in Indian history. It resulted in significant changes in the British government's administrative system and policy. The revolt was described by British historians as a sepoy mutiny. The British historians believed that the sepoys, as well as some landholders and princes with vested interests, organized the insurrection, ignoring the local people's concerns and involvement in the movement. Self-interested reasons, according to a recent study in 1857, did not play a significant role prior to the concerted opposition to the unpopular British administration. The Revolt of 1857 is considered by some historians to be the first struggle for Indian independence. Those who disagree with this perspective say that the rebel leaders did not try to create a new social order. The dissatisfied devotion and intentions were shattered, and they frequently looked back to society and policies that were no longer feasible." As a result, it was a restoration rather than a revolution. Rural peasants, in addition to sepoys and Taluqdars, took part in the revolution in considerable numbers. In the instance of Awadh, it has been shown that the attack was undertaken jointly by taluqdars and peasants. Peasants continued to relocate even after taluqdars made peace with the British in several locations. The sepoys had ties to their kinsmen in the countryside and their insurrection inspired the civilian populace to air their concerns against British authority. As a result, the 1857 Revolt took on the appearance of a popular revolt. Significance of the Revolt Even though the British were able to put down the uprising, they were aware of the intensity of the people's discontent. The events of 1857 forced the British to reconsider their stance toward India in the aftermath of the uprising; as a result, they devised a plan to prevent future revolts. The British issued a pledge that they would not extend their existing geographical conquests in order to regain the trust of local princes. The loyal princes received special honors. To check troops' cohesion, community, caste, tribal, and regional loyalty were fostered during army recruiting. By subtly exploiting the caste, religious, and regional identities of Indians, the British used the divide and rule strategy. The proclamation of Royal Proclamation in 1858was another key result of the Revolt of 1857. The British Crown took complete control of India's government with this proclamation, thereby ending the East India Company's dominion. Even though the rebels were defeated, their valiant fight against the British Raj made a lasting impact on the public. This Revolt had a significant impact on the spirit of Indian nationalism during its formative years in the second half of the nineteenth century. Hindu - Muslim Unity At all levels of the revolt - people, troops, and leaders - there was the perfect collaboration between Hindus and Muslims. All rebels recognized Bahadur Shah Zafar, a Muslim, as emperor, and the Hindu sepoys in Meerut immediately began marching to Delhi, the Mughal imperial capital. "Two things stand out plainly in the middle of the complex tale of the Rising of 1857," Maulana Azad writes. The first is the incredible sense of oneness that existed in India during this time between Hindus and Muslims. The other is the people's great devotion to the Mughal Crown." Both Hindus and Muslims, rebels and sepoys acknowledged each other's feelings. Once the insurrection was successful in a given location, an immediate ban on cow slaughter was imposed. Both Hindus and Muslims were well-represented in the leadership; for example, Nana Saheb had Azimullah, a Muslim who specialized in political advertising, as an advisor, while Laxmibai had Afghan warriors on her side. Thus, the events of 1857revealed that, prior to 1858, India's people and politics were not fundamentally communal or sectarian. Social and Religious Movement in India The 19th Century socio reform movement in India was reformist, revivalist, and other issuebased social movements. They systematically eliminated the evil practices of society. While a few movements focused on modernization, others worked to protect the ancient Indian culture. The 19th-century socio religious Reform Movement eradicated some of the worst evils of Indian society. Some of these prominent movements were the Aligarh movement, Brahmo samaj, and Young Bengal Movement. Numerous leaders fought for and influenced positive change. The most important of those were: Raja Ram Mohan Roy, Swami Dayanand Saraswati, Swami Vivekananda, Jyotirao Phule etc. Many of the 19th Century's Social and Religious Reform Movements faced initial resistance from conventional thinkers. But the founders were educated, intelligent, and forward-looking. Social and Religious Reform Movements in the 19th Century Social reform Movement in India Brahmo Samaj 1828 The 19th Century socio reform movement in India was reformist, revivalist, and other issue based social movements. Aligarh Movement 1875 Prarthana Samaj 1863 The Theosophical Movement 1875 Deoband Movement 1866 1866 Ramakrishna Mission 1897 Satyashodhak Samaj 1873 Young Bengal Movement 1820 Widow Remarriage Association 1860 Brahmo Samaj It is one of the Socio Religious Reform Movements in India founded by Raja Ram Mohan Roy in 1828. The movement came into action to oppose unnecessary rituals, idol worship, belief in more than 1 god, caste pressure, and other social evils like Sati, polygamy, the purdah system, child marriage, etc. The society also aimed to promote women's education and widow remarriage. The Brahmo Samaj was also against following old Hindu superstitions. Traditionalists like Raja Radhakant Deb, who organized the Dharma Sabha to combat Brahmo Samaj propaganda, strongly opposed Rammohan Roy's progressive beliefs. Rammohan Roy claimed that the Vedas and Upanishads, two ancient Hindu writings, supported the monotheistic philosophy. He translated the Vedas and the five Upanishads into Bengali to support his argument. In 1823, he hosted a community banquet to commemorate the success of the Socio Religious Reform Movement in Spain. Aligarh Movement The Aligarh movement was another crucial Socio Religious Reform Movement in the 19th century. Sayyid Ahmed Khan founded it in 1875 at Mohammedan Anglo-Oriental College. The movement got established in the city of Aligarh. The college later became Aligarh Muslim University. The main desire of launching this movement was to offer modern education to Muslims. The Socio Religious Reform Movement tried to harmonize Islam with contemporary liberal culture. Their worldview was founded on a liberal interpretation of the Quran. They aimed to give Muslims a distinctive sociocultural identity that followed contemporary norms. He feared that being actively involved in politics at the time would encourage hostility from the government toward the Muslim population. He disapproved of Muslim political activity as a result. Unfortunately, he let himself be utilized by the colonial government's offensive divide and-rule approach to further Muslims' educational and employment interests. Later, he spread the idea that Muslims and Hindus have different interests. Through the publication of Tahdhib-ul-Akhlaq, Syed's progressive social ideas were disseminated (Improving Manners and Morals) Prarthana Samaj The third Socio Religious Reform Movement in India is Prarthana Samaj. The movement was established by Keshub Chandra Sen In 1863. The reform movement orated believing in only one god (monotheism) and condemned the domination of priests and caste supremacy in Bombay. Veeresalingam, a Telugu reformer, spread the movement's activities in South India. Another social reformer was a philosopher known as Chandavarka, who encouraged Prarthana Samaj. This Social and Religious Reform Movement in India opposed child marriage and the purdah system, advocated widow remarriage, and strongly emphasised female education. It also targeted the caste system and the Brahmin majority. Ranade founded the Deccan Education Society and the Widow Remarriage Association to reform Hinduism. Ranade established the National Social Conference in 1887 to bring about social reforms across the nation. One of the founding members of the Indian National Congress was Ranade. Ramakrishna Mission The next Socio Religious Reform Movement in the 19th century was the Ramakrishna Mission, founded in 1897 by Swami Vivekananda. The main motive of this movement was to spread the teachings of Ramakrishna Paramahansa, Vivekananda's Guru, in Belur near Calcutta. The mission aimed to resist untouchability and the caste system. It propagated Vedanta and concentrated on the fact that all religions are universal.. This culture worked hard to eradicate caste systems, rituals, priesthood, animal sacrifice, idolatry, and polytheism. Additionally, it promotes the transfer of western scientific knowledge. The Socio Religious Reform Movement fought for social equality, improved women's conditions, and opposed untouchability and caste rigidities. Satyashodhak Samaj On September 24, 1873, in Maharashtra, Jyoti Rao Govind Rao Phule described the idea of the Socio Religious Reform Movement, also known as Satyashodhak Samaj. The caste system and idol worship were both targets of the reform movement's campaigns. It defended using reason rather than blindly following the priesthood. Govind Rao Phule specifically used the term "Dalit" to refer to those from lower castes. Young Bengal Movement Henry Louis Vivian Derozio founded the Young Bengal movement in the 1820s. Louis was an Anglo-Indian professor in college in Calcutta. He inspired his students to think freely and analytically. Derozio spread the spirit of freedom, equality, and liberty among all. This Socio Religious Reform Movement was the one to criticize the dominant practices of religion and interrupted changing the Hindu orthodox beliefs. Derozian's ideas significantly impacted the Socio Religious Reform Movement, or Bengal Renaissance, in early nineteenth-century Bengal. This movement was loud and logical but could not acquire any traction. Nevertheless, it was a significant advancement since it motivated and produced a generation of activists and reformers. Widow Remarriage Association Another Socio Religious Reform Movement was the Widow Remarriage Association. It was started by Pandit Vishnu Shastri, founded in 1860. The most well-known campaigner for the cause was Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar. He sent a petition to the Legislative Council, but Radhakanta Deb and the Dharma Sabha responded with a counterpetition that had nearly four times as many signatures. But despite the opposition and the measure being deemed a flagrant violation of then prevailing norms, Lord Dalhousie finished it. Causes of Social and Religious Reform Movements in India English and other contemporary concepts were introduced to India by the British when they arrived. These concepts, which had a significant influence on Indian society, were liberty, social and economic equality, democracy, fraternity, and justice. Indian culture in the nineteenth century was entangled in a web of social obscurantism and religious superstition. The study of the history, philosophy, science, religions, and literature of ancient India began in the late 19th century by several European and Indian academics. The Indian people felt a sense of pride in their civilization due to their expanding understanding of India's former splendor. Additionally, it aided the Socio Religious Reform Movement in its fight against all kinds of barbaric customs and superstitions. Impact of Social and Religious Reform Movements in India The scientific, and intellectual assault of the Social and Religious Reform Movement rebels was unacceptable to the orthodox segments of society. So, the reactionaries insulted, persecuted, issued fatwas against the reformers, and even attempted to kill them. Despite the opposition, these organizations were able to aid in the liberation of the person from frightened submission and uncritical submission to the exploitation by priests and other classes. With the translation of religious texts into everyday languages, the emphasis on each person's right to interpret the scriptures, and the simplicity of ceremonies, worship became a more intimate experience. The Socio Religious Reform Movement placed a strong emphasis on the capacity of human reason and intelligence. By eliminating corrupt elements, religious beliefs, and practices, the reformers gave their followers a chance to respond to official criticism that their religions and cultures were decadent and inferior. The Socio Religious Reform Movement gave the developing middle classes the much needed cultural roots they could cling to and a way to lessen the humiliation they felt from being annexed by a foreign force. Recognizing the peculiar demands of modern times, notably scientific knowledge, and supporting a contemporary, this-worldly, secular, and rational mindset was essential to these reform initiatives. Socially, this mindset was reflected in a significant change in the ideas of "purity and pollution." Although the reformers' criticisms primarily targeted old beliefs and customs, the reformers desired modernization rather than complete westernization based on the mindless replication of foreign Western cultural norms. Rise of New Middle Class in India During British rule, India witnessed the introduction of new law courts, government officials and commercial agencies. The Britishers also created a new professional and service-holding middle class, apart from those with landed interests. The middle class in India grew at the intersection of colonialism, democratic state and (capitalist) economic development. The first moment of middle class development can be located in the colonial period. The impetus for this came from the British colonial rule. Over the two centuries of their rule, they introduced modern industrial economy, secular education and a new administrative framework. The British opened schools and colleges in different parts of India, particularly in the colonial cities of Calcutta, Bombay and Madras. Over the years, a new class emerged in India. Apart from those employed in the administrative jobs of the British government, they included professionals such as lawyers, doctors, teachers and journalists. They came from relative- ly privileged backgrounds, mostly upper-caste, and from families which were financially comfortable, but not rich enough to not have to earn a living. This was one factor which distinguished them from the richest strata of Indian society, such as the large hereditary landlords or the remnants of an indigenous aristocracy. It also clearly put them well above the vast majority of India’s poor. The incipient middle class that had acquired modern education in India and abroad was influenced by the new ideas of liberalism and democracy, which had become popular in the West after the French Revolution. They initiated “social reform movements” in their own communities and mobiliized Indians for freedom from the colonial rule. However, though this class was “modern”, it also participated in identity movements and played an active role in strengthening boundaries across religions and communities. Education system in British India Before the British rule in India, gurus provided education to all Hindus without any restrictions. The gurus have given the utmost priority as they teach them how to attain Moksha. Also, the Mughal empire influenced Muslim education. The young students were educated through Maktabs, Madrasas, Tols, and Pathshalas about their respective religious texts and ancient kinds of literature, along with a bit of awareness of scientific advancement. After the arrival of the British, a new western education system came into existence. They came up with specific educational policies. The history of British education policies in India can be divided into two sections: 1. Under the East India Company, i.e., before 1857, 2. Under the British Crown, i.e., after 1857. Development of Education in British India before 1857 Initially, the East India Company wanted some educated Indians to assist them with land administration. Also, they wanted to learn about the local customs, traditions, and laws to understand the country better. The development of British education system in India before 1857 is as follows: 1781 - Warren Hastings, Governor-General of Bengal, established the first educational institution, Calcutta Madrasa in Calcutta for Islamic Law Studies. 1784 - William Jones founded the Asiatic Society of Bengal to understand and study the culture and history of India. At the same time, Bhagwat Gita was translated into English by Charles Wilkins. 1791 - The Sanskrit College was established by Jonathan Duncan, a resident of Benares, to study and understand Hindu philosophies and laws. 1800 - Fort William college was founded by Richard Wellesley, governor-general, in Calcutta for training the EIC's civil servants in Indian languages. However, the college was shut down in two years as the British government (in England) disproved the appointment of Indians as English Civil Servants. The Charter Act of 1813: The first noted step taken by the British government towards modern education in India was the Charter Act 1813. According to the act, an annual sum of Rs. 1 Lakh was decided to be utilized for educating Indian Subjects. During this period, the Christain missionaries were active in education, and however, they primarily focused on conversions and religious teachings. The English Education Act of 1835: Macauley's minutes, or the English Education Act of 1835, has the following gists: As per this act of the British education system in India, the government should focus on spending resources for teaching literature and modern sciences only in English. The medium of education in all schools and colleges should be English. The schools at the elementary level were not significant. They emphasized opening the district schools and colleges. It neglected mass education. Downward filtration theory- The small section of middle-class and upper-class Indians were educated to become the connecting link between the government and the masses. Also, the Calcutta Medical College and the Elphinstone College of Bombay were established in 1835. The defects in the system of vernacular education were pointed out in Adam's report on vernacular education in Bihar and Bengal in 1835, 1836, and 1838. 1843-53 As an experiment, James Jonathan introduced one model school in each tehsil of North West province. It was suggested that vernacular language should be used for teaching. Also, the teachers were trained in separate schools for these vernacular schools. Wood's Dispatch (1854) Wood's Dispatch, also known as the Manga Carta of British Education in India, was the first attempt to envisage mass education in India. Following were the recommendations of Wood's Dispatch: It demanded regularizing the education system on all levels, i.e., from the primary to the university level. Indians must be educated in their native language and English. Every province must hold its own education system. At least one government school should be established in every district. Women should be educated. • University of Bombay, Calcutta, and Madras was established in 1857. The University of Punjab was set up in 1882, and the University of Allahabad in 1887. As per Wood's Dispatch, it was asked that government should take charge of people's education. Development of British Education System in India after 1857 After 1857, Rajkot College of Kathiawar and Mayo College of Ajmer was established in 1868 and 1875, respectively. These colleges focused on Indian princes and elites; political training. The commissions like Saddler, Raleigh, and Hunder, established under the British Crown, etc., mainly recommended the establishment of reforms in the British education system in India. The significant developments in education under British rule are as under: Hunter Commission on Indian Education in 1882: The Hunter Commission on Indian Education of 1882 asked for an increase in government efforts to achieve the aim of mass education through vernacular languages. It includes: It recommended dividing secondary education into two categories, i.e., vocational and literary education. It emphasized female education outside of the presidency towns. The control of primary education should be transferred to municipal boards and new districts. Raleigh Commission in 1902: Viceroy Curzon believed that universities have students with revolutionary ideologies. He recommended the commission review the education system of universities in India, which led to the universities act of 1904. Indian Universities Act of 1904: As per the Indian Universities Act of 1904, all universities came under the government's control. It includes- More emphasis on research and study instead of revolutionary activities in universities. The act reduced the number of fellows, and the government nominated them. Against the University senate decisions, the government acquired the veto power. It came up with stricter affiliation rules. Compulsory primary education was introduced in all the territories of Baroda's princely state in 1906. In 1913, the government took a new resolution on Education Policy. Saddler University Commission (1917-19): Because of the poor performance of students at Calcutta University, the Saddler University Commission was set up. Perhaps, lately, it ended up reviewing all the universities in India. The critical points of the Saddler University Commission are as follows- It focused on secondary education. It follows the ideology that for the improvement of education in universities, there should be an improvement in secondary education. According to the Commission, the school should be completed in 12 years. It came up with the idea of creating separate boards for secondary and intermediate education. It focused on educating females, training teachers, providing technical education, and applying scientific knowledge. It emphasizes that all universities should function autonomously as centralized resident teaching bodies. 1916-21 Universities of Osmania, Lucknow, Dacca, Aligarh, Benares, Patna, and Mysore were set up. In 1929 Hartog Committee was set up that focused on primary education in British India and believed there was no need for a compulsory education system. Wardha Scheme of Basic Education by INC in 1937: In 1937, the Indian National Congress organized a conference in Wardha to discuss education. It developed a scheme focused on practical education, i.e., learning through activities based on Gandhi's ideas. It includes- The syllabus should consist of basic handicrafts. Free and compulsory education should be for the first seven years of schooling. Everyone should educate students in Hindi till class 7 and English after class 7. However, it was not implemented as many ministers from INC started after World War II Sergeant Plan of Education by the Central Advisory Board of Education: In 1944, the Sergeant plan of education by the central advisory board of education was introduced. It includes- There was free education for students belonging to the age group of 3-6 years. Compulsory education for students for 6-11 years. • A student from 11-17 years of age was given higher education. It focused on improving artistic, commercial, and technical education. Also, it emphasized the teaching of physically and mentally disabled students. Impact of British Education in India Englishmen wanted to spread western education in India for their sake as there was a massive demand for lower-class workers, clerks, and other administrative roles in the East India Company's functioning. During that period, they found it easy to get Indian workers at cheaper rates than Englishmen from England. The literacy rate was relatively low among Indians; still, the women were deprived of education. Also, they ignored scientific and technical education. The illiteracy rate in British India was 94% in 1911 and reduced to 92% in 1921. Conclusion On the surface, it may seem that the British rule in India that transformed its society for the better. But upon closer examination, these benefits were purely coincidental, if not self-serving. Economic improvements were only enacted in order to better plunder the Indian economy. Even societal changes would have come out on their own without the need for British intervention. In the end, the negative effects of British Imperialism far outweigh the benefits.

INTRODUCTION Phases of Nationalist Movement: Liberal Constitutionalists (MODERATES PHASE) Congress politics during the first twenty years since its inception was moderate in nature. Congress: members were mostly part-time politicians who were successful professionals in their personal life; members from upper class and had been thoroughly anglicized. The moderates were influenced primarily by Utilitarian theories as JS Mill and Edmund To the moderates, British rule seemed to be an act of providence destined to bring in modernization. Indians needed some time to prepare themselves for self-government, and till that time British parliament could be trusted. The politics of the moderates was limited in goals and methods. Although they were aware of the exploitative nature of British rule, they wanted its reform and not its expulsion. The moderates never visualized a separation from the British empire. They wanted limited self-government within the imperial framework. Initial Demands: i. Broaden Indian participation in the legislature through an expansion of central and provincial legislatures. ii. New councils for the North-Western Provinces and Punjab. iii. Two Indian members in the Viceroy’s Executive Council. iv. The budget should be referred to the legislature which will have the right to discuss and vote on it. They initially demanded democratic rights only for the educated members of the Indian society who would substitute for the masses. Their expectation was that full political freedom would come gradually and India would be ultimately given the self-governing rights. In return, they merely received the Indian Councils Amendment Act of 1892 which only provided for marginal expansion of the legislative councils at the centre and the provinces which was to be constituted through selection by the viceroy at the centre and the governors at the provinces rather than election. The Government of India was given the power to legislate without referring to the legislature. Therefore, very few of the constitutional demands of the moderates were fulfilled by this act. 6.Reformation of the Administrative System Moderates demanded an Indianization of the services as an Indianized civil service would be more responsive to the Indian needs. 7. They demanded a simultaneous civil service examination both in India and London and raising the age limit for appearing in such examinations from 19 to 23. 8. Charles Wood, the president of the Board of Control, opposed this on the premise that there is no institution that could train the boys in India for the examination. 9.Although in 1892, 93, a resolution in the House of Commons was passed for simultaneous examination, the maximum age for the exam was further lowered to the disadvantage of the Indians. 10. Military Expenditure i. The British Indian army was being used in the imperial wars in all parts of the world. ii. This put a very heavy burden on the Indian finances. iii. The moderates demanded that the military expenditure should be shared evenly by the British government; the Indians should be taken in the army as volunteers and appointment of more Indians in higher ranks. iv. These demands were rejected. v. The idea of volunteer service was abhorred because it was feared that Maratha and Bengali volunteers because of their nationalism would find their way in the army and subvert its integrity. 11. The idea of appointing Indians in commissioned ranks was also despised as no European officer would like being ordered by an Indian commander. 12. The British government agreed to only share a small fraction of military expenditure and the burden on Indian finances remained the same. 13. The moderates also demanded the extension of the Permanent Settlement, abolition of salt tax and a campaign against the exploitation of the indentured labour at the Assam tea gardens. These demands represented a plea for racial equality. But, none of these demands were even considered by the colonial administration. Economic Critique of Colonialism Most significant historical contribution of the moderates. This is often referred to as economic nationalism and was further developed in the subsequent period of Indian nationalist movement. Three main names: i) Dadabhai Naroji – a successful businessman ii) Justice MG Ranade iii) R.C Rutt, a retired ICS officer who published The Economic History of India in two volumes (1901-03) The main focus of this economic nationalism was on Indian poverty created by the application of the classical economic theory of free trade. This turned India into a supplier of agricultural raw materials and foodstuffs to and a consumer of manufactured goods from the mother country. India was thus reduced to the status of a dependent agrarian economy and a field for British capital investment. Investment of foreign capital meant a drainage of wealth through expatriation of profit. This, known as the drain theory, was central to economic nationalism. It was argued that direct drainage of wealth took place through military charges, home charges etc. Rise of Extremists and The Swadeshi Movement By the end of the nineteenth century, the failure of moderate politics became apparent. Ergo, a reaction set in from within the Congress, referred to as the Extremist trend. The moderates – criticized – for being too cautious. Extremist politics developed in three mains regions under the leadership of three important individuals: Bipin Chandra Pal in Bengal Bal Gangadhar Tilak in Maharashtra Lala Lajpat Rai in Punjab Reasons of the Rise of Extremism A. Factionalism: Historians observed a good deal of faction fighting at almost every level of organized public life in India. Bengal : division within the Brahmo Samaj and the faction fighting between Aurobindo Ghosh on the one hand and Bipin Chandra Pal and Brahmabandhab Upadhyay on the other, over the editorship of Bande Mataram. Maharashtra : competition between Gokhale and Tilak for controlling the Poona Sarvajanik Sabha. In 1895, Tilak captured the organization and Gokhale in 1896 started a rival organization, the Deccan Sabha. Punjab : Arya Samaj divided after the death of Dayanand Saraswati, between the more moderate and radical revivalist group. B. Frustration with Moderate Politics Major reason behind the rise of extremist politics. The social reformism of the moderates, inspired by Western liberalism, also went against popular orthodoxy. Moderate politics had reached a dead end, as most of their demands remained unfulfilled and this was a major reason behind the rise of extremism. This increased the anger against colonial rule and this anger was generated by the moderates themselves through their economic critique of colonialism. C. Role of Lord Curzon He initiated a number of unpopular legislative and administrative measures, which hurt the susceptibilities of the educated Indians. For example, the Indian Universities Act of 1904 placed Calcutta University under the most complete governmental control and the Indian Official Secrets Amendment Act of 1904 further restricted press freedom. His Calcutta University convocation address wherein he described the highest idea of trust as a Western concept hurt the pride of educated Indians. Last in the series was the partition of Bengal in 1905, designed to weaken the Bengali nationalists who allegedly controlled the Congress. But instead of weakening the Congress, the Curzonian measures revitalized it as the extremist leader now tried to take over Congress in order to commit it to the path of more direct confrontation with colonial rule. Swaraj The goal of the extremists was swaraj which different leaders interpreted differently. Tilak: Swaraj = Indian control over the administration, but not a total severance of relations with Great Britain. Bipin Chandra Pal: Swaraj = As no self-government was possible under British paramountcy, so for him swaraj was complete autonomy, absolutely free of British control. Aurobindo Ghosh: Swaraj = absolute political independence. Change in the forms of agitation The radicalization was manifested in the change in the method of agitation with a shift from the old methods of prayer and petition to passive resistance. This meant opposition to colonial rule through its violation of unjust laws, boycott of British goods and institutions, and development of their indigenous alternatives - swadeshi and national education. The inspiration for this new politics came from the new regional literature which provided a discursive field for defining the Indian nation in terms of its distinct cultural heritage. A) This was a revivalist discourse as it invoked an imagined golden past and used symbols to arouse nationalist passions. B) This was also a response to the gendered discourse of colonialism that had stereotyped the colonized society as effeminate, and therefore unfit to rule, which created a psychological condition for the subject state to recover their virility in Kshatriyahood in an imagined Aryan past. C) Historical figures that represented velour were now projected as national heroes. D) Tilak started the Shivaji festival in Maharashtra in April 1895. E) The Marathas, Rajput's and Sikhs were now placed in an Aryan tradition and appropriated as national heroes. The Indian political leaders also looked back to Indo-Aryan political traditions as alternatives to Anglo-Saxon political systems. The Indian traditions were described as more democratic with strong emphasis on village self-government. The concept of dharma was also evoked which restricted the arbitrary powers of the king. This was directly to counter the colonial logic and moderate argument that British rule was an act of providence to prepare Indians for self-government. a. This was the central problem of Indian nationalism. b. The moderates wanted the Indian nation to develop through a modernistic course, but the extremists that sought to oppose colonial rule, talked in terms of a non-Western paradigm. c. They tried to define the Indian nation in terms of distinctly Indian cultural idioms, which led them to religious revivalism invoking a glorious past – sometimes even unquestioned acceptance and glorious fixation of that past. d. The English-educated Indians also felt proud of the achievements of the Vedic civilization. e. This was essentially an “imaginary history” with a specific historical purpose of instilling a sense of pride in the minds of a selected group of Indians involved in the process of imagining their nation. Swadeshi Movement The Swadeshi movement launched in the early 20th Century was a direct fallout of the decision of the British India government to partition Bengal. Use of Swadeshi goods and boycott of foreign made goods were the two main objectives of this movement. A Boycott Resolution was passed in Calcutta City Hall on August 7, 1905, where it was decided to boycott the use of Manchester cloth and salt from Liverpool. In the district of Barisal, the masses adopted this message of boycott of foreign-made goods, and the value of the British cloth sold there fell sharply. Bande Mataram became the boycott and Swadeshi movement theme song. Among the movement’s various forms of struggle, it was the boycott of foreign-made goods that encountered the greatest visible success on the practical and popular level. Boycott and public burning of foreign clothes, picketing of shops selling foreign goods, all became common in remote corners of Bengal as well as in many major cities and towns across the country. Another form of mass mobilization widely used by the Swadeshi movement was the corps of volunteers (samitis). Ashwini Kumar Dutt, a school teacher, set up the Swadesh Bandhab Samiti in Barisal was the best – known volunteer organization of all of them. The Shivaji and Ganapati festivals in Western India (Maharashtra) were organized by Lokmanya Tilak to spread the swadeshi message and boycott movements among the masses. The Swadeshi and boycott movements placed great emphasis on ‘ Atmasakti ‘ or self – reliance as a means of reasserting national dignity in different fields. In the field of national education, this emphasis on self – reliance was most evident. The National College of Bengal was founded as its principal with Aurobindo. Numerous national schools have been established throughout the country in a short period of time. The National Education Council was established in August 1906. In Indians entrepreneurial zeal, self – reliance was also evident. The period saw an explosion of textile mills, factories of soap and match, tanneries, banks, insurance companies, shops, etc. While most of these Swadeshi companies were set up and run as a result of patriotic fervor than any real business interest and were unable to survive for a long time, some others like Acharya P.C. Ray In the field of culture, Amar Sonar Bangla, written by Rabindranath Tagore in protest against Bengal’s partition, became a rallying point for the Swadeshi and boycott movements and later inspired Bangladesh’s liberation struggle. Reasons behind Swadeshi Movement Government suppression: Realizing the revolutionary potential, the government came down with a heavy hand. Most of the important leaders of the movement were either imprisoned or deported between 1907 and 1908. Any mass movement cannot be sustained endlessly at the same pitch of militancy and self-sacrifice, especially when faced with severe repression. Congress split: The internal squabbles, and especially, the split in 1907 in the Congress, the apex all-India organization, weakened the movement. Organization structure: It lacked the effective organization and party structure. The movement failed to create an effective organization or a party structure. It threw up an entire gamut of techniques that came to be associated with Gandhian politics like non-cooperation, passive resistance, filling of British jails, social reform and constructive work but failed to give these techniques a disciplined focus. Reach limited: The movement largely remained confined to the upper and middle classes and zamindars, and failed to reach masses especially the peasantry. It was not able to garner the support of the mass of Muslims and especially of the Muslim peasantry. Hindus and Muslims were divided along class lines with the former being the landlords and the latter constituting the peasantry. Though the Swadeshi Movement had spread outside Bengal, the rest of the country was not as yet fully prepared to adopt the new style and stage of politics. Ideas failed: The movement aroused the people but did not know how to tap the newly released energy or how to find new forms to give expression to popular resentment. Leadership issues: The movement was rendered leaderless with most the leaders either arrested or deported by 1908 and with Aurobindo Ghosh and Bipin Chandra Pal retiring from active politics. Tilak was sentenced to six years imprisonment, Ajeet Singh and Lajpat Rai of Punjab were deported and Chidambaram Pillai was arrested. Formation of Muslim League The All-India Muslim League (popularized as the Muslim League) was a political party established in 1906 in British India It was found as an alternative political group to the Indian National Congress It was created with the aim of representing the interests of Indian Muslims. The formation of a Muslim political party on the national level was seen as essential by 1901. The first stage of its formation was the meeting held at Lucknow in September 1906, with the participation of representatives from all over India The Simla Deputation reconsidered the issue in October 1906 and decided to frame the objectives of the party on the occasion of the annual meeting of the Educational Conference, which was scheduled to be held in Dhaka. Meanwhile, Nawab Salimullah Khan published a detailed scheme through which he suggested the party to be named All-India Muslim Confederacy. From their inception, the Muslim League continually called for unity in an independent India but began to fear that it would be dominated by Hindus, who made up the majority of the population. Following the First World War (1914-18) the Muslim League joined forces with Congress to advocate for Home Rule within the British Empire Further, in the late 1920s and early 1930s Jinnah consolidated the views of Muslims in India into 14 points. These included proposals to form a federal government and to have a one third representation of Muslims in the central government. When Britain declared war with Germany in 1939 it did so on behalf of India as well. The Congress refused to support this declaration because their representatives hadn’t been consulted. In contrast, whilst the Muslim League remained critical of British rule, they agreed to support India’s participation in the war in the hope of gaining a better vantage to negotiate independence. In 1940, in what became known as the ‘two-nation theory’, Jinnah began to demand for the creation of a separate Muslim state from territories that were currently in British India. Further, the idea of a separate state of Pakistan began to gain popularity with Muslims across India. Gandhi & Mass Mobilization 1. The Khilafat Agitation: The Indian Muslims Community launched the Khilafat Agitation. Its two important leaders were Mohammad Ali and Shaukat Ali. It was launched against the Britishers’ imposition of a harsh treaty (Treaty of Sevres) on the Turkish Sultan or Khalifa. 2. Non-Cooperation Movement It was a significant phase of the Indian independence movement from British rule. It was led by Mahatma Gandhi after the Jallianwala Bagh Massacre. It aimed to resist British rule in India through nonviolent means. The programmed of non-cooperation included within its ambit the surrender of titles and honors. Boycott of government affiliated schools and colleges Boycott of law courts Picketing of shops selling foreign cloth was also a major form of the Boycott could be extended to include resignation from government service and mass civil disobedience including the non-payment of taxes. National schools and colleges were to be set up Panchayats were to be established for settling disputes Hand-spinning and weaving was to be encouraged People were asked to maintain Hindu- Muslim unity, give up untouchability and observe strict non-violence. 3. Kisan sabhas In the Avadh area of U.P., where kisan sabhas and a kisan movement had been gathering strength since 1918 and with Non-cooperation propaganda it became difficult to distinguish between a Non cooperation meeting and a kisan meeting. In Malabar in Kerala, Non cooperation and Khilafat propaganda helped to arouse the Muslims tenants against their landlords. Charkhas were popularized on a wide scale and khadi became the uniform of the national movement. Defiance of forest laws became popular in Andhra. Peasants and tribals in some of the Rajasthan states began movements for securing better conditions of life. 4. Akali movement In Punjab, the Akali Movement for taking control of the gurudwaras from the corrupt mahants (priests) was a part of the general movement of Non-cooperation, and the Akalis observed strict non-violence in the face of tremendous repression. The most successful item of the programmed was the boycott of foreign cloth. Volunteers would go from house to house collecting clothes made of foreign cloth, and the entire community would collect to light a bonfire of the good. The value of imports of foreign cloth fell from Rs. 102 crore in 1920-21 to Rs. 57 crore in 1921-22. 5. Picketing of toddy shops Government revenues showed considerable decline on this count. The educational boycott was particularly successful in Bengal, where the students in Calcutta triggered off a province-wide strike to force the managements of their institutions to disaffiliate themselves from the Government. Movement was spread almost to all parts of India. It was a truly mass movement where lakhs of Indians participated in the open protest against the government through peaceful means. It shook the British government who were stumped by the extent of the movement. It saw participation from both Hindus and Muslims thereby showcasing communal harmony in the country. This movement established the popularity of the Congress Party among the people. As a result of this movement, people became conscious of their political rights. They were not afraid of the government. Hordes of people thronged to jails willingly. The Indian merchants and mill owners enjoyed good profits during this period as a result of the boycott of British goods. Khadi was promoted. 6. The Chauri Chaura Incident Gandhiji was against the use of violent methods and movements. He called off the Non-Cooperation Movement abruptly due to the Chauri Chaura incident in which 22 policemen were killed when a crowd of peasants set fire to the police station in February 1922. 7. The Rowlatt Satyagraha In 1919, Gandhiji launched an anti-Rowlatt Satyagraha, which received a countrywide response. April 6, 1919 was observed as the day of “humiliation and prayers” and hartal (strike). Satyagraha Sabhas were held throughout the country. 8. The Rowlatt Act The Britishers passed the Rowlatt Act in India, under which people could be imprisoned without trial. This act was called the ‘Black Act’. This strengthened the power of the police. 9. Civil Disobedience Movement Civil disobedience is the active, professed refusal of a citizen to obey certain laws, demands, orders or commands of a government In India, Civil disobedience movement was a landmark event in the Indian Nationalist movement. In many ways, the civil disobedience movement is credited for paving the way for freedom in India. The Lahore Congress (1929) left the choice of the precise methods of non-violent struggle for Purna Swaraj to Gandhi It was resolved that a Manifesto or pledge of Independence would be taken all over India by as many people as possible on 26 January 1930. On this day Civil disobedience was supposed to commence and It was declared Independence Day 10. Dandi March Gandhi took the decision to start the movement. On 12 March 1930 Gandhi started the Historic Salt March from his Sabarmati Ashram to Dandi beach accompanied by his 78 selected followers. There Gandhi and his followers broke the law by manufacturing salt from the sea. The Programmed of the movement was as follows: a) Salt law should be violated everywhere. b) Students should leave colleges and government servants should resign from service. c) Foreign clothes should be burnt. d) No taxes should be paid to the government. e) Women should stage a Dharna at liquor shops, etc. Thus, the historic march, marking the launch of the Civil Disobedience Movement, began on March 12, and Gandhi broke the salt law by picking up a lump of salt at Dandi on April 6. 11. Quit India Movement Mahatma Gandhi decided to initiate a new phase of the movement against the British in the middle of the Second World War. The British must quit India immediately, he told them. To the people, he said, do or die in your effort to fight the British but you must fight non-violently. Gandhiji and other leaders were jailed at once but the movement spread. It especially attracted peasants and the youth who gave up their studies to join it. Communications and symbols of state authority were attacked all over the country. In many areas, the people set up their own governments. August Kranti, or August Movement, is another name for the Quit India Movement. Mahatma Gandhi launched the Bharat Chhodo Andolan, or Quit India movement, on August 8, 1942, with the rallying cry "do or die." The Cripps mission failed in April 1942. In less than four months, the Indian people's third great mass struggle for independence began. The Quit India movement is the name given to this struggle. During World War II, Mahatma Gandhi's All India Congress Committee in Bombay passed a resolution supporting the Quit India Movement on August 8, 1942. This resolution stated that the immediate end of British rule in India was necessary for the sake of India and the success of the cause of freedom and democracy, which the UN countries were fighting against fascist Germany, Italy, and Japan for. Communalism in Indian Politics Communalism in India is result of the emergence of modern politics, which has its roots in partition of Bengal in 1905 and feature of separate electorate under Government of India Act, 1909. Later, British government also appeased various communities through Communal award in 1932, which faced strong resistance from Gandhi ji and others. All these acts were done by the British government to appease Muslims and other communities, for their own political needs. This feeling of communalism has deepened since then, fragmenting the Indian society and being a cause of unrest.(by Communal award colonial government mandated that consensus over any issue among different communities (i.e. Hindu, Muslims, Sikhs and others) is precondition for any further political development) Communal consciousness arose as a result of the transformation of Indian society under the impact of colonialism and the need to struggle against it. Stages in Indian Communalism and how it spread India is a land of diversity. And it is known for lingual, ethnic, cultural and racial diversity. As, we have discussed above, communalism in India is a modern phenomenon, which has become threat to India’s Unity in Diversity. We will see the various stages:- First stage was rise of nationalist Hindu, Muslim, Sikh, etc. with only first element of communalism as discussed above. Roots of this were led in later part of 19th century with Hindu revivalist movement like Shuddhi movement of Arya Samaj and Cow protection riots of 1892. On the other hand movements like Faraizi movement started Haji Shariatullah in Bengal to bring the Bengali Muslims back on the true path of Islam, was one of the religious reform movement which had bearing on communalism in 19th century. Later people like Syed Ahmed Khan, who despite of having scientific and rational approach, projected Indian Muslims as a separate community (qaum) having interest different from others. Second stage was of Liberal communalism, it believed in communal politics but liberal in democratic, humanist and nationalist values. It was basically before 1937. For example organisations like Hindu Mahasabha, Muslim League and personalities like M.A. Jinnah, M M Malviya, Lala Lajpat Rai after 1920s Third was the stage of Extreme Communalism, this had a fascist syndrome. It demanded for separate nation, based on fear and hatred. There was tendency to use violence of language, deed and behaviour. For example Muslim League and Hindu Mahasabha after 1937. It spread as a by-product of colonialism, economic stagnations and absence of modern institutions of education and health. These factors caused competition, people started using nepotism (patronage bestowed or favouritism shown on the basis of family relationship, as in business and politics), paying bribes to get job, etc. Short term benefits from communalism started giving validity to communal politics. Later on, spread of education to peasant and small landlords gave rise to new middle class, as agriculture was becoming stagnant. So, these people started demanding communal representation and this way, social base for communalism widened. Middle class oscillated between anti-imperialism and communalism. Communalism, started rooting deeply, as it was an expression of aspiration and interest of middle class for less opportunity. From very beginning upper caste Hindus dominated colonial services as they adapted early to colonial structure. Because of Mughal rule and 1857 revolt, colonial government was suspicious towards Muslims and they patronized Hindus. This resulted in resentment in Muslims in late 19th century and they then formed a pressure group under Sir Sayed Ahmed Kahn to bargain as a separate community. In contrast Congress standpoint was always focused on ‘rights and freedom of individual’ not on a particular community. Communalism represented a struggle between two upper classes / strata for power, privileges and economic gain. For Example- In western Punjab at that time, Muslim landlord opposed Hindu moneylenders. In eastern Bengal, Muslim jotedars opposed Hindu zamindars. Later on, communalism developed as weapon of economically and politically reactionary social classes and political forces. Divide and Rule Communalism was a channel for providing service to colonialism and the jagirdari class (land officials). British authorities supported communal feelings and divided Indian society for their authoritative ruling. As we have already discussed above about separate electorate, like that official patronage and favor having communal biasness was very common. Communal press & persons and agitations were shown extraordinary tolerance. Communal demands were accepted, thus politically strengthening communal organizations. British started accepting communal organizations and leaders as the real spokesperson of communities and adopted a policy of non-action against communalism. In fact, for the same reasons even the communal riots were not crushed. Separate electorate started in 1909 to communal award in 1932 fulfilled the wishes of British authorities of ruling India by dividing the societies on communal lines. The Two-Nation Theory, Negotiations over Partition The two-nation theory is an ideology of religious nationalism which significantly influenced the Indian subcontinent following its independence from the British Empire. The plan to partition British India into two states was announced on 3rd June 1947. These two states would be India and Pakistan. According to this theory, Indian Muslims and Indian Hindusare two separate nations, with their own customs, religion, and traditions; therefore, from social and moral points of view, Muslims should be able to have their own separate homeland outside of Hindu-majority India. The ideology that religion is the determining factor in defining the nationality of Indian Muslims was undertaken by Muhammad Ali Jinnah. The partition of Bengal in 1905 served as the first act of the British towards breaking Hindu Muslim unity. The later introduction of the Morley Minto reforms in 1909 proved to be a critical juncture in struggle against colonial domination in India. The reforms introduced a system under which separate electorates were formed, where in only Muslims could vote for Muslim candidates in constituencies reserved for them. By so doing the British wanted to promote the idea that the political, economic and cultural interests of the Muslims and Hindus were separate. Then, the Montagu Chelmsford reforms or the Government of India Act 1919 in addition to the reserved seats for Muslims. Later, Hindu-Muslim unity began to bond with the coming of Non-cooperation Movement in 1919, by rallying on the Khilafat issue. However, Following the Chauri Chaura incident(1922) where some British policemen were killed due to some action initiated by the participants of the Non-Cooperation movement, the movement itself was called off by Gandhiji. So, now the Muslim leaders felt betrayed since their cause of revolting against the removal of the Caliphate was left unfinished due to the calling off of the movement. From that time on, the differences between the Hindus and the Muslims only increased over a period of time and eventually became irreconcilable. In 1930, Muhammad Iqbal became the leader of the Muslim League in 1930 and for the first time articulated a demand for a separate Muslim state. He argued that Muslims and Hindus constituted two different nations in themselves and were incompatible. At this time, the congress rejected this theory and argued in favour of a united India, based on unity between different religious groups. Further, the policy of the British to divide and rule got exemplified in the Communal Award of 1932. This policy further strengthened the provisions for separate electorates. The Cripps Mission in 1942 suggested that India be granted a Dominion status under the British Empire. The Mission did not accept the demand for Pakistan but allowed for a provision whereby provinces could secede from the Indian Union. But, the Congress and the Muslim League interpreted this in their own unique ways. Eventually, on the 16th August 1946 Jinnah declared Direct Action Day and the Muslim League raised the demand for an independent Pakistan. There were communal tensions amongst the Hindus and the Muslims in places including Calcutta, Madras, Bombay, Bihar, Punjab In 1947, Mountbatten agreed with the Muslim League’s demand for an independent Pakistan but he also saw merit in the Congress’s demand for unity. He was asked by the British government to explore options of creating a united India or the option of partition However, the unity signs did not find place, and as a result India and Pakistan dominions were created in 1947. The British Colonial state chose to strengthen its power in India by adopting the strategy of dividing social groups and pitting them against each other The British said that in order to deal with the problem of Hindu-Muslim discord and in order to avert the threat of Hindu majoritarianism, it was critical to give special representation rights to the minorities. As a result, the colonial policies led to communal practices in following ways: Firstly, communities were separated and defined on grounds of religious affiliation. This meant that Muslims, Hindus, Sikhs etc. were treated as separate communities and were given representational rights accordingly. Further these communities were believed to be completely different and hostile to each other. Thus, it was argued that only the representatives of each community could represent the interests of that community. Thirdly, the British readily accepted the communal spokespersons as the sole representatives of their communities. Towards the end of the British rule, Jinnah was seen as the sole spokesperson of the Muslims in Colonial India, in spite of the fact that other Muslim leaders were present within the Muslim League and in the Congress who were opposed to the idea of Partition. Thus, it is evident that Communalism could not have flourished the way it did, without the support of the British Colonial state. Thus, the policy of Divide and Rule lead to communalism and further, extreme communalism led to Partition. The dilemmas and decisions of the Congress The Indian national movement succeeded in forming an alliance between some classes and communities and in acquiring independence from the British, but it failed to create unity which could have prevented Partition. So, what happened in 1947 was a result of the collapse of negotiations between the Congress and the Muslim League. Essentially the Congress did not vouch for Partition of India. Congress leaders wanted the British to transfer power to a united India. One of the reasons for accepting the demand for Pakistan was that the Congress leaders came to the conclusion that the demand was based on ‘popular will’ Also, the Congress leadership agreed to Partition was also because they saw it as a sort of temporary measure It was thought by some that after passions subsided, people would see the futility of Partition and would want to re-unite. Further, the Congress accepted the proposal for Partition in the hope that it would finally help in ending the wide spread communal violence prevalent in Colonial India in 1946-47 The Congress could have opted to oppose the demand for Partition through use of force but this was against its democratic ideals. So, When dialogue and negotiations with the Muslim League failed and the Interim government didn’t succeed, the Congress accepted the demand for Pakistan Still, the Congress tried to pressurize the British to transfer power to a united India but didn’t succeed in the endeavor primarily because of its inability to forge a united front with the Muslim League representatives. Eventually, inevitable circumstances led to partition of India into two dominions. However, it all didn’t end here. It was followed by a serious aftermath of communal tensions across the two regions, disturbing peace and stability soon after Independence from British in 1947.

Introduction There are three types of social movements: Redemptive or Transformative: this Movement aims to change the personal consciousness of its members. An example of this would be alcoholic anonymous. It seeks to help an alcoholic overcome his addiction to drinking. Reformist Movement: these types of movements strive to change the existing political and social arrangements gradually. Some examples of these types of Movement would be Arya Samaj and Brahmo Samaj. Revolutionary Movement: These types of movements are radical. A revolutionary movement attempts to transform social relations by capturing state power radically. An example of this would be the Bolshevik Revolution of May 1920 that dethroned the Tsar to create a communist state. In India, the Naxalite Movement can be counted as a revolutionary movement. Peasant Movements 1. Indigo Revolt (1859-60) Indigo was recognized as a chief cash crop for the East India Company’s investments. It is also known as ‘Nil Bidroho’ All categories of the rural population, missionaries, the Bengal intelligentsia and Muslims. This indigo revolt gave birth to a political movement and stimulated national sentiment against the British rulers among Indian masses. 2. Rangpur Dhing (1783) Rangpur uprising took place in Bengal It is called the first tough peasant rebellion against the rule of the East India Company. It evidently uncovered the evils like Ijaradari scheme related to the system of colonial exploitation. It paved the way for formulating a land settlement that would be permanent in nature The rebellion spread over a significant area, including Ranchi, Hazaribagh, Palamau and Manbhum. After two years of strong confrontation, they lost to modern weapons of the British. 3. Kol Rebellion (1832) The Kols and other tribes enjoyed independence underneath their chiefs but the British entry threatened their independence. The handover of tribal lands and the encroachment of moneylenders, merchants and British laws generated a lot of pressure. The Kol tribal planned an insurgency in 1831-32 which was engaged primarily against Government officers and private money-lenders. 4. Mappila Rebellion in Malabar (1841-1920) Mappila uprising was sequences of rebellions by the Mappila Muslims of Malabar region of Kerala. The main causes were, increase in land tax, the security of tenure and exploitation of the poor peasantry by the landlords. The revolt goes fell into the trap of Hindu-Muslim riot. During this period there was Khilafat movement was raised for the fulfilment of freedom for Muslims. The 1921 uprising was a manifestation of long-lasting agrarian dissatisfaction, which was only strengthened by the religious and ethnic uniqueness and by their political alienation. 5. Santhal Rebellion (1855) It was a native rebellion in present-day Jharkhand against both the British colonial authority and zamindari system by the Santhal people It was planned by four Murmu brothers -Sidhu, Kahnu, Chand and Bhairav The rebellion was suppressed thoroughly and largely shadowed by that of the other rebellions. 6. Deccan Uprising (1875) Along with the Permanent Settlement, the British extended their presence beyond Bengal. Ryotwari Settlement was the revenue system that was introduced in the Bombay Deccan region The revolt started in Poona and henceforth it spread to Ahmednagar. This uprising also involved a social boycott of the moneylender. 7. Munda Ulgulan (1899- 1900) Birsa Munda-led this movement in the region south of Ranchi The Mundas conventionally enjoyed a special rent rate as the original clearer (Khuntkatti) of the forest. But this was eroded by the jagirdars and thikadars arrived as traders and moneylenders. As a result of this rebellion, the government enacted the Chotanagpur Tenancy Act 1908, recognized Khuntkatti rights, banned Beth Begari (forced labour) 8. Narkelberia Uprising (1782-1831) Led by Titu Mir/ Mir Nithar Ali In West Bengal against landlords, mainly Hindu, who imposed a beard-tax on the Faraizis, and British indigo planters merged into the Wahabi movement 9. The Pagal Panthis Led by Karam Shah To fight the oppression of the zamindars. 10. Telangana Movement (1946-52) The Telangana Movement (1946-52) of Andhra Pradesh was fought against the feudal oppression of the rulers and local landowners. The agrarian social structure of Hyderabad emerged to be very oppressive in the 1920s and thereafter. In rural Telangana’s political economy, the jagirdars and deshmukhs, locally known as dora, played a dominant role. Consequences The impact of peasant movements in India are discussed briefly below: Though these revolts were not aimed at uprooting the British rule from India, they created awareness among the Indians. The peasants developed a strong awareness of their legal rights and asserted them in and outside the courts. Peasants emerged as the main force in agrarian movements, fighting directly for their own demands. Various Kisan Sabhas were formed to organize and agitate for peasant’s demands during Non-Cooperation Movement. These movements eroded the power of the landed class, thus adding to the transformation of the agrarian structure. Peasants felt a need to organize and fight against exploitation and oppression. These rebellious movements prepared the ground for various other uprisings across the country. Workers Movement Rise of Working Class: The modern working class arose in India with the introduction of capitalism in the 19th century under colonial dispensation. It was a modern working class in the sense of relatively modern organization of labor and a relatively free market for labor. This development was due to the establishment of modern factories, railways, dockyards and construction activities relating to roads and buildings. Plantations and railways were the initial enterprises to herald the era of colonial capitalism in Indian subcontinent. Industrialization in India: Port cities Bombay, Calcutta and Madras became the centers of the capitalist economy. Cotton mills in Bombay, jute mills in Calcutta, and several factories in Madras were set up in the late 19th century. Similar developments took place in the cities of Ahmedabad, Kanpur, Solapur and Nagpur. The first jute mill of India was set up in Calcutta in 1854 by a Scottish entrepreneur. The ownership of the cotton mills was with the Indian entrepreneurs, while that of jute was with the foreigners for a long time. Workers’ Movement in Pre-Independence India Initial Attempts to Improve Workers’ Conditions: Attempts were made in 1870-1880 to better the working conditions of the workers by legislation. Till the Swadeshi surge of 1903-08, there was no concerted effort to better the working conditions of the labor. Again between 1915-1922, there was resurgence of workers’ movement along with the Home Rule Movement and the Non-Cooperation Movement. The earlier attempts to improve the economic conditions of the workers were in the nature of philanthropic efforts which were isolated, sporadic and aimed at specific local grievances. Workers’ Movements before the Emergence of Trade Unions: 1. Plantation and Mine Workers The plantation and mine workers were heavily exploited but their conditions did not attract much attention initially as they were away from the notice of early social reformers, journalists and public activists. Despite this isolation, the plantation workers, on their own, registered their protests against the exploitation and oppression by the plantation owners and managers. Industrial Workers: The cotton and jute industry workers were more in the public gaze. The early social workers and philanthropists were also involved with them facilitating better organizational work as well as better reporting and public support. 2. Formation of Organizations: In Bengal, Sasipada Banerjee founded the ‘Working Men’s Club’ in 1870 and started publishing a monthly journal in Bengali entitled ‘Bharat Shramjibi’ in 1874. The Brahmo Samaj formed the ‘Working Men’s Mission’ in Bengal in 1878 to impart moral education among the workers. It also established the ‘Working Men’s Institution’ in 1905. In 1890 in Maharashtra, N.M. Lokhandey established the ‘Bombay Millhands’ Association’, and in 1898, he started publishing a journal entitled ‘Dinbandhu’ in Marathi. The Bombay Millhands Defense Association formed by Bal Gangadhar Tilak in 1908. However, these bodies were primarily interested in welfare activities and did not have much organizational base among the workers. Emergence and Growth of Trade Unions: Cause of Emergence: The trade unions emerged in India after World War I. The main factors that led to the emergence of trade unions include: Rising prices of essential commodities. Decline in the real wages of workers. Increase in the demand for the industrial products resulting in the expansion of Indian industries. Gandhi's call for the Non-Cooperation Movement. The Russian Revolution. Formation of Trade Unions The Madras Labor Union, formed in April 1918, is generally considered to be the first trade union in India. B.P. Wadia, a nationalist leader and an associate of Annie Besant, was instrumental for its organization. The Textile Labor Association, also known as Majur Mahajan Sangh, was established in Ahmedabad in 1920. The union was formed following the agitation of mill workers of Ahmedabad demanding for a bonus to compensate for the rise in prices. This union worked along Gandhian lines and became very strong over the years. Workers’ Movement in Post-Independence India Formation of New Unions: The post-independence period saw the formation of a number of trade unions such as Bhartiya Mazdoor Sangh (BMS) and Centre of Indian Trade Unions (CITU ) CITU was formed by Communist Party of India (Marxist), splitting from AITUC. Legislations Framed: The Industrial Dispute Act, 1947 and Labor Relations Bill and Trade Unions Bills, 1949 were introduced. Decline in Strikes: Between 1947-1960, the condition of the working class improved and there was a decline in the number of strikes. Economic Recession: The period of late 1960s saw decline in the wages of the working class; as a result, disputes in the industrial front increased. New Economic Policy, 1991: It introduced LPG (Liberalization, Privatization and Globalization). Liberalization deteriorated the bargaining position of the workers vis-à-vis capital. The policy provided no statutory minimum wages for labor. It gave the employers the complete right to hire and fire. Tribal Movement The following three phases are used to categories tribal movements: The First Phase (1795-1860): It happened at the same time as the British Empire’s emergence, growth, and establishment. The top class of tribal society, led by the traditional group whose privileges had been curtailed by colonialism in India, produced the leadership. Major tribal uprisings in this phase were: the Kols Uprising, Santhal uprising, Khond uprising and Early Munda uprising. The Second Phase (1860-1920): It includes the Koya Rebellion and the Birsamunda-led Munda Uprising. The Third Phase (1920-1947): It comprises the Chenchu tribal movement, the Rampa rebellion, and the Tanabhagat/Oraon Movement. 1. Bhil Uprising (1818-1831) Bhils belonged to the Khandesh region of Maharashtra. In 1818, the British made their way into the area and began encroaching on the Bhil territories. The native Bhil Tribe was in no way prepared to accept any British changes made on their land. As a result they revolted against the foreigners on the land. The reason for the uprising was the brutal treatment of the Bhils at the hands of the East India Company who denied them their traditional forest rights and exploited them. The British responded by sending a force to suppress the rebellion. But the revolt was not in vain, as the British gave concessions to various taxes and returned forest rights as part of the peace settlement. 2. Ramosi Uprising (1822- 1829) Ramosis were hill tribes of the western ghats. They resented the British policy of annexation and rose against the Britishers under the leadership of Chittur Singh. The new British Administration system, which the tribal people thought to be extremely unfair to them and left them with no other option than to rise against the Britishers for, was the primary cause of this insurrection. They plundered the regions around the Satara. The revolt continued till 1829, after which the British restored order in the region. Britishers followed a pacifist policy towards the Ramosis and some of them were recruited in the hill police. 3. Kol Rebellion (1832) Kol uprising is one of the most well-known revolutions against the British government. The Kols were one of the tribes inhabiting the Chhotanagpur area. They lived in complete autonomy under their traditional chiefs but this changed when the British came. Along with the British came the outsiders. The colonial government also introduced the concept of non-tribal moneylenders, zamindars and traders. The Kols then lost their lands to farmers from outside and also had to pay huge amounts of money in taxes. This led to many becoming bonded laborer's. To this the British judicial policies also caused resentment among the Kols. There was an insurrection in 1831-32 which saw the Kols organize themselves under Buddho Bhagat and revolt against the British and the moneylenders. They killed many outsiders and burned houses. This armed resistance went on for two years after which it was brutally suppressed by the British with their superior weaponry. The Kol Rebellion was so intense that troops had to be called in from Calcutta and Benares to crush it. 4. Santhal Uprising (1855- 1856) The Khonds inhabited the mountainous regions that ran from Bengal to Tamil Nadu as well as the central provinces. Due to the impassable hilly terrain, they were entirely independent before the British arrived. Between 1837 to 1856, they rose against the British for their exploitation of forest practices, led by Chakra Bisoi, who adopted the name “Young Raja.” Tribal people from the Ghumusar, Kalahandi, and Patna regions took part in the uprising. The British attempt to outlaw the practice of “Mariah” (Sacrifice) and the subsequent introduction of new taxes, as well as the influx of Zamindars and Sahukars (Moneylenders), were the main causes of their uprising. Using bow-and-arrows, swords, and axes, the Kols rose up in rebellion against the British-created “Maria Agency.“ Additionally, some local militia clans led by Radha Krishna Dand Sena helped them. The insurrection finally came to an end in 1955 when Chakra Bisoi was taken, prisoner. 5. Munda Rebellion (1899- 1900) One of the most well-known revolutions against the pervasive British Rule in the nation was the early Munda revolt. The Mundas inhabited the Chotanagpur area. This uprising is also known as the Ulgulan revolt which means “great commotion”. Between 1789 and 1832, the Mundas revolted around seven times against the oppression brought on by moneylenders and the British Government. The Khuntkatti system, which was a joint holding of land, prevailed among the Mundas. But the advent of the British and the outsider Zamindars replaced the Khunkatti with the Zamindari system. This caused indebtedness and forced labour among the tribals. Its movement was known as Sardariladai, or “War of the Leaders,” and their main goal was the eviction of outsiders, or “dikus.” Many Mundas joined the “Evangelical Lutheran Mission” after 1857 in the hopes of a brighter future. However, as they realised that these missionaries couldn’t give them any long-term benefits, many apostates rebelled against this mission and became even more hostile. They sought to establish the Munda traditional chiefs’ dominance over their domains. But, every time they were without a charismatic leader, their movement waned. However, the Mundas were able to get an able and charismatic leader in Birsa Munda who proclaimed a rebellion in 1894. He organised his people to revolt openly against the government. He urged people to stop paying debts and taxes. He was arrested and spent 2 years in jail before being released in 1897. In December 1899, he launched an armed struggle against the landlords and the government. The Mundas torched police stations, houses of the landlords, churches and British property. In 1900 Birsa Munda was caught. He died in jail due to cholera aged just 25. 6. Koya Uprising (1879- 1880) Assisted by Khonda Sara commanders, the Koyas of the eastern Godavari track (now Andhra) revolted in 1803, 1840, 1845, 1858, 1861, and 1862. They rose once again under Tomma Sora in 1879–1880. They complained about being persecuted by the police and moneylenders, new limitations and the denial of their historical rights to forest areas. Following the passing of Tomma Sora, Raja Anantayyar led a new uprising in 1886. 7. Khasi Uprising (1830) The hilly areas between the Garo and Jaintia Hills were occupied by the British when the Burmese war was ended. The colonial government planned to construct a road that would cross the entire country and connect the Brahmaputra valley with the Sylhet region, Khasi area. The Khasis rebelled under the leadership of a Khasi chief named Tirut Singh as a result of the conscription of laborer's for road building. They were joined by the Garo. The four-year-long, battle with the Khasis was eventually brutally put an end to in the early months of 1833. Women Movements The women’s movements in the colonial period are mainly of two different concerns: Social reform movements Nationalist movements The colonial intervention in the 19th century intruded into the areas of our culture and society and this affected transformation in our social fabric. This potential threat was sensed by the Indian intellectual reformers, exposed to western ideas and values. At this juncture, the Indian intellectual reformer sensitive to the power of colonial domination and responding to Western ideas of rationalism and liberalism sought ways and means of resisting this colonial hegemony. 1. BRAHMO SAMAJ The brahmo samaj was founded in Calcutta in 1828. It is based on the belief in one omniscient god. RAJA RAM MOHAN ROY was the founder of Brahmo samaj. Brahmo samaj has contributed to India’s contemporary renaissance. There were 3 distinct groups in Bengal in 1880s; radicals, reformers, and conservatives. Raja Ram Mohan Roy saw the dreadful conditions of women unnecessary rituals like sati purdah system child marriage widow remarriage education for women fought against prevailing superstitions among Hindus 2. Widow Remarriage Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagr worked towards propagating widow remarriage. The child marriage evil resulted in large numbers of young girls ending up as widows whose lives were miserable due to the severe restrictions imposed on them. He argued in favour of widow remarriage and published his work on “Widow Remarriage” in 1853. The efforts of Vidya Sagar, Keshub Chandra Sen and D. K. Karve resulted in the enactment of widow remarriage act of 1856. In the South Kandukuri Veeresalingam led the widow remarriage movement. 3. Saraswathi and Compulsory education for Girls Arya Samaj was established by him in 1875. He emphasised compulsory education of both boys and girls. A series of schools for women- Arya Kanya Patasalas – were the first concerted effort of the Samaj to promote women’s education in a systematic way. Both Brahmo Samaj and Prarthana Samaj made forceful efforts to prove that Hindu religious tradition were not the source of legitimacy for the sorrowful condition of women in society. Under the influence of the liberal thought of the west the two Samajs strove to restore to women their dignified status. 4. Age of girls at marriage In the 19th century the average age of marriage for girls was 8 or 9. The extensive propaganda by Vidya Sagar and other reformers in this regard led the British government to legislate in order to improve the condition of minor girls and the age of consent bill was passed in 1860 Further social reformers like Mahadev Govind Ranade, Behramji Malabari and Tej Bahadur Sapru in their attempts to raise the age of marriage cited several cases of consummation at the age of 10 or 11 which led to serious physical and psychological disturbances. Behramji, a Parsi journalist published his notes on infant marriage and enforced widowhood in 1884 suggesting certain reforms to be adopted in the educational institutions to discourage child marriage and also suggested some corrective measures to the Government. At last due to the collective efforts of the reformers in 1891, the Bill known as the Age of Consent was passed, which rose the marriageable age for girls to 12 years. 5. Female Education The social reformers felt that through female education the social evils that were linked to the issue of preserving and strengthening basic family structure could be eliminated and good wives and mothers could emerge from the same. Between 1855 and 1858 while he was inspector of schools, Vidya Sagar established 48 girls’ schools. M. G. Ranado along with his wife propagated female education and started a girls’ high school in 1884. The limited enforcement and practicability of legislations like widow remarriage act of 1856 and others in a tradition bound society was recognised by D. K. Karve, who, therefore, concentrated his efforts on promoting education among widows. In 1896 Karve along with 15 of his colleagues founded the Ananth Balikashram for the education of widows He also started Mahila Vidyalaya in 1907 and S.N. D. T. Women’s University in 1916 a separate educational institution for women so as to lessen the resistance of orthodox section with regard to women’s education. 6. Property rights for Hindu women The existing practice was particularly harsh on the Hindu widow who had no claim on her husband’s property except the right at maintenance Raja Ram Mohan Roy suggested that the government should enact and enforce laws to remove these disabilities and bring economic freedom and self-reliance. As a result of such efforts, special marriage act of 1872 with its provision for divorce and succession to property to women was passed. As a result of the social reform movement of the 19th century, the social evils were eliminated and opportunities were provided to women for their education. The expansion of women’s education and their admission to educational institutions had produced a sizable number of English educated middle class women by the late 19th century- and they made their presence felt in political activities Till 1919, the national movement was limited to the urban upper class and it was later with Gandhi’s entrance into the national movement, participation of the masses began to take place. In this phase, political developments and women’s participation in the National movement went hand in hand. 7. The partition of Bengal in 1905 This resulted in the launching of Swadeshi movement by the nationalists. Though there was the absence of mass awakening amongst the women, but meetings were arranged and khadi spinnings were taken up by women. Women contributed their bangles, nose rings and bracelets to the national fund. In villages, women starte The women workers of the Arya Samaj were also responsible for arousing national spirit among the people. This Swadeshi period marked the formation of several women’s organisations. Sarala Devi took steps to organize the women’s movement and its nucleus in the form of Bharat Stri Maha Mandal in Lahore in 1910. Parvati Devi, the headmistress of a Hindu girls’ school at Kanchi a small town in the Madras presidency started Kanchi Mahila Parishad to equip women of Kanchi with knowledge to create public opinion over burning issues of the nation. 8. Setting up of Home Rule League The period from 1911-18 is of great significance in the history of Indian national movement because for the first time a woman Annie Besant led the national movement as president of Indian National Congress. (Calcutta Session 1917) It was due to women like Annie Besant that organized movement for the emancipation of women took place and the demand for political rights for women came to be firmly established on the political agenda. 9. Entry of Gandhiji The entry of Mahatma Gandhi with his experience altered the national politics dramatically. He realized the importance of mass base to Indian nationalism. Gandhian style of mass mobilization had implications for the Indian women’s movement in as much as increasing number of women were sought to be mobilized for participation in the independent movement. When Gandhi launched an all India Satyagraha in 1919 against the provocative enactment of the Rowlatt Act, Women took out processions, propagated the use of Khadi and even courted jail. Further, the non-cooperation movement awakened the women of all sections and imparted first lessons in Satyagraha. 10. Struggle for Suffrage From the beginning, the Indian women’s movement approached the suffrage campaign as a measure to achieve social reform. The leaders believed that enfranchisement of women would mean additional support for reform legislation. After the struggle for franchise, for the first time, Indian women exercised their vote in the elections of 1926. 11. Dandi March 1930 A large number of women including Sarojini Naidu, actively took part in the Dandi March. Women participated by breaking salt laws, forest laws taking out processions, picketing schools, colleges, legislative councils and clubs. Further, In 1931 Sarojini Naidu attended the Second Round Table Conference as an official representative of the women of India. 12. Civil Disobedience Movement of 1930 During this phase, Kamala Devi Chattopadhyaya addressed meetings and picketed foreign cloth and liquor shops. She was incharge of the women’s wing of the Hindustan Seva Dal. 13. Government of India Act 1935 The inauguration of provincial autonomy under the India Act of 1935 gave women an opportunity to be elected to the state legislatures and also become administrators. 14. Quit India Movement 1942 During this phase, Men leaders were arrested in the first round up and in their absence women carried on the movement and bore the burnt of the British wrath The women not only led processions and held demonstrations, but also organized camps in which they were given training in civil duties and first aid and were educated on democracy. Women organized political prisoners’ relief fund while some women went underground and directed the movement secretly. 15. Azad Hind Fauj In the Indian National Army of Subhash Chandra Bose, Rani Jhansi Regiment was created for women. Women were trained in nursing, social service and to use weapons. Thus, it was primarily due to the efforts of women and their role in the freedom struggle that women got the right to vote and complete equality in the constitution of India. However a great gap arose between the theoretical status of women and their rights and what existed in reality. Dalit Movements The term Dalit was first used by Jyotirao Phule for the oppressed classes or untouchable castes of the Hindu. The Dalit movement began as a protest movement, to bring socio-political transformation in the status of Dalits in India. The Dalits were isolated, fragmented and oppressed by the hegemony of Upper Caste culture. With Maturity of time, the new polity, the postmodern administrative framework, the rational judicial system, the current forms of land tenure and taxation, the new patterns of trade, the liberal education system, and the network of communications emphasized the spirit of liberty, equality and social justice for Dalits. So, Dalit movement is basically a social revolution aimed for social change, replacing the age old hierarchical Indian society, and is based on the democratic ideals of liberty, equality and social justice. Pre-Independence Movements 1. Bhakti Movement This movement in 15th century was a popular movement which treated all sections of society equally and it developed two traditions of Saguna and Nirguna. The Saguna tradition advocated equality among all the castes though it subscribed to the Varnashram dharma and the caste social order. The followers of Nirguna believed in formless universal God. Ravidas and Kabir were the major figures of this tradition. It became more popular among the dalits in urban area in the early 20th century as it provided the possibility of salvation for all. It also promised social equality. Hence, the teachings of Bhakti movement inspired and motivated scheduled castes for the beginning of dalit movement. These provided the means to protest against orthodox Hinduism for future generations of Dalits. 2. Neo-Vedantik Movements These movements were initiated by Hindu religious and social reformers. These movements attempted to remove untouchability by taking the Dalits into the fold of the caste system. According to the pioneers of these movements, untouchability was not an essential part of Hinduism and, for that matter, of the caste system. Dayanand Saraswathi, the founder of the Arya Samaj, believed that the caste system was a political institution created by the rulers ‘for the common good of society, and not a natural or religious distinction’. The neo-Vedantic movements and non-Brahmin movements played an important catalytic role in developing anti-caste or anti Hinduism Dalit movements in some parts of the country. The Satyashodhak Samaj and the self-respect movements in Maharashtra and Tamil Nadu, the Adhi Dharma and Adi Andhra movement in Bengal and Adi-Hindu movement in Uttar Pradesh are important anti-untouchability movements which were launched in the last quarter of the 19th and the early part of 20th century Consequently, the Dalits began to call themselves Adi-Andhra's in Andhra, Adi- Karnataka's in Karnataka, Adi-Dravidas in Tamil Nadu, Adi-Hindus in Uttar Pradesh and Adi-Dharmas in Punjab. Further, Dalits also followed the route of conversion with a purpose of getting rid of untouchability and to develop their social and financial conditions. Other prominent movements in this category include: Adi Dravidas movement in Tamil Nadu Shri Narayan Dharma Paripalan movement in Kerala Nair Movement in 1861 3. Sanskritization Movement Sanskritization is a process by which “a low or middle Hindu caste, or tribal or other group, changes its customs, ritual ideology, and way of life in the direction of a high-born caste In this perspective Dalit leaders followed the process of ’Sanskritization’ to elevate themselves to the higher position in caste hierarchy. They adopted Upper Caste manners, including vegetarianism, putting sandalwood paste on forehead, wearing sacred thread, etc. This process was evident in the following movements: Adi-Dharma movement in the Punjab (organized 1926); The movement under Ambedkar in Maharashtra, mainly based among Mahars which had its organizational beginnings in 1924; The Namashudra movement in Bengal; The Adi-Dravida movement in Tamil Nadu; The Adi-Karnataka movement; The Adi Hindu movement mainly centered around Kanpur in U.P; and The organizing of the Pulayas and Cherumans in Kerala. 4. Dalit Literary Movements At a time, when there was no means of communication to support the Dalits, pen was the only solution. Given the Upper Castes would never allow the Dalits voice to be expressed, as it would be a threat for their own survival, the Dalits began their own magazine and began to express their own experiences. Dalit literature, the literature produced by the Dalit consciousness, emerged initially during the Mukti movement. The Mukti movement was led by very poor Dalits who fought against the saint – poets of the time. These literature argued that Dalit Movement fights not only against the Brahmins, but all those people whoever practices exploitation, and those can be the Brahmins or even the Dalits themselves. New revolutionary songs, poems, stories, autobiographies were written by Dalit writers. These were sung in every village, poem and other writings were read by the entire community. Baburao Bagul (1930–2008) is considered as a pioneer of Marathi Dalit writings in Marathi.

Constitutional Developments and and its Impact Around the 18th Century a number of significant events took place in the world. One such event was the Industrial Revolution which took place in England. It gradually spread to other countries of Europe also. One such sea route to India was discovered by a Portuguese called Vasco da Gama in 1498. As a result, the English, French, Portuguese and the Dutch came to India for trade. They also used it to spread missionary activities in India. REASONS FOR COMING TO INDIA Impact of British Rule on India: Economic, Social and Cultural (1757-1857) The European and the British traders initially came to India for trading purposes. The Industrial Revolution in Britain led to the increase in demand for raw materials for the factories there. At the same time, they also required a market to sell their finished goods. India provided such a platform to Britain to fulfill all their needs. The 18th century was a period of internal power struggle in India and with the declining power of the Mughal Empire, the British officials were provided with the perfect opportunity to establish their hold over Indian Territory. They did these through numerous wars, forced treaties, annexations of and alliances with the various regional powers all over the country. Their new administrative and economic policies helped them consolidate their control over the country. Their land revenue policies help them keep the poor farmers in check and get huge sums as revenues in return. They forced the commercialization of agriculture with the growing of various cash crops and the raw materials for the industries in the Britain. With the strong political control, the British were able to monopolies the trade with India. They defeated their foreign rivals in trade so that there could be no competition. They monopolized the sale of all kinds of raw materials and bought these at low prices whereas the Indian weavers had to buy them at exorbitant prices. Heavy duties were imposed on Indian goods entering Britain so as to protect their own industry. Various investments were made to improve the transport and communication system in the country to facilitate the easy transfer of raw materials from the farms to the port, and of finished goods from the ports to the markets. Also, English education was introduced to create a class of educated Indians who would assist the British in ruling the country and strengthen their political authority. All these measures helped the British to establish, consolidate and continue their rule over India. METHODS OF COLONISATION IN INDIA When the industrial revolution started in Europe these small states did not have sufficient raw materials for their industries, or markets for their finished goods. These countries now started looking for markets in Asia and Africa. England succeeded in controlling trade with India and established the East India Company in 1600. This company was supported by the British government. With its help England was able to extend her territorial frontiers to the Indian subcontinent. The first factory was established at Surat in 1613. In 1615, Sir Thomas Roe got permission from the Mughal emperor Jahangir to open more factories at Agra, Ahmadabad and Broach. Their most important settlement on the southern coast was Madras where they built a fortified factory called Fort St. George. This was the first proprietary holding acquired by the company on Indian soil. Gradually the company expanded its trading network. By that time the company was well established in India. It had also succeeded in eliminating the other rival European powers from India. They also started interfering in the political affairs of the Indian ruler. These states had their own rulers, economy, language and culture. These states were constantly at war with each other. It was not surprising that they fell an easy prey to the European powers especially the British. It was the battles of Plassey (1757) and Buxar (1764) which provided the ground for the British success in India. Through these battles, a long era of British political control over India began. The Battle of Plassey was won by the English in Bengal. The British made Mir Jafar, the new Nawab of Bengal, in return for which they receive an enormous sum of money as well as the territory of 24 Parganas from the Nawab. But Mir Jafar was not able to make further payments to them. As a result he was replaced by Mir Qasim who proved to be a strong ruler. Mir Qasim was not ready to meet their demands for more money or control. As a result, Mir Qasim was removed and Mir Jafar was made the Nawab again. Mir Qasim then joined hands with the Nawab of Awadh, Shiraj-ud-daula and the Mughal emperor Shah Alla called Buxar on 22 October 1764. Their defeat proved to be decisive. Though the British successfully gained control over Bengal, the imposition of British rule throughout India was not an easy task. A number of regional powers opposed them and tried to resist the efforts of territorial expansion of the British. 1.Anglo-Mysore Wars Mysore emerged as a powerful state under an able leadership of Haider Ali and his son Tipu Sultan in the second half of the eighteenth century. Four wars took place between Mysore and the British. Finally the Fourth Anglo-Mysore War (1799) ended in the heroic defeat and death of Tipu Sultan. With this a glorious chapter of struggle between Mysore and the English came to an end. Large ports like Kanara, Coimbatore and Seringapatam were secured by the British. 2. Anglo-Maratha Wars The Marathas were another formidable power in western and central India during the second half of the eighteenth century. But the struggle for power among themselves gave the British an opportunity to intervene in their internal matters. Many wars took place between the British and the Marathas mainly on account of the Subsidiary Alliance. The Third Anglo-Maratha War (1817-19) was the last war between them. The English defeated the Peshwa, dethroned him and annexed all his territories. The Peshwa was pensioned off and sent to Bithur near Kanpur, Uttar Pradesh. 3. Anglo-Sikh Wars In north-west India, the Sikhs under their able leader Maharaja Ranjit Singh (1792-1839) became an effective political and military force. The British power in India viewed the rise of the Sikhs as a potential threat. The British thus wanted to bring the Sikhs under control. After the death of Ranjit Singh in 1839, lawlessness prevailed in Punjab. The British took advantage of this and the First Anglo-Sikh War broke out in 1845 which ended with the defeat of the Sikhs. In the Second Anglo-Sikh War in 1849, the British finally defeated them in the battle of Gujarat, a town on river Chenab (1849). The Sikh chiefs surrendered and Punjab was annexed by Lord Dalhousie. Maharaja Dalip Singh, the son of Maharaja Ranjit Singh was pensioned off and sent to England. Other Conquests, System of Alliances and Annexations The Third Battle of Panipat against the Marathas in 1761 had already provided the stage for the success of British in India. Soon many more native states came under British control. This was done by a system of alliances called the Doctrine of Lapse and Subsidiary Alliance. Doctrine of Lapse led to a number of independent kingdoms being annexed to the British Empire. These were the states that were enjoying British protection but their rulers had died without leaving a natural heir to the throne. Their adopted sons could now no longer inherit the property or the pension which was granted to them by the British. In this way Dalhousie annexed the Maratha States of Satara (1848), Sambalpur (1850), Udaipur (1852), Nagpur (1853), Jhansi (1854) and Awadh (1856). In Subsidiary Alliance, the Indian States that were under British protection had to suspend their armies and instead maintain British troops. They also surrendered their control on their foreign affair and let go of their right to make alliances with other foreign states for any purpose, economic or political. In return, they were given protection by the British from their rivals. The policy of annexation affected not only the Indian rulers, but all those who were dependent upon them such as soldiers, crafts people and even nobles. Even the traditional scholarly and priestly classes lost their patronage from these rulers, chieftains, nobles and zamindars, and were thus impoverished. Thus, by the mid- nineteenth century, no single Indian power was there to challenge or resist the British. Assam, Arakhan, North Eastern region and portions of Nepal and Burma were already annexed (1818 to 1826). The British also occupied Sind in 1843. ECONOMIC IMPACT The Industrial revolution has helped the English merchants accumulate a lot of capital from the countries of Asia, Africa and America. They now wanted to invest this wealth in setting up industries and trade with India. The mass production of goods through machines that we witness today was pioneered through the Industrial Revolution which occurred first in England during the late 18th and the early 19th century. This led to a massive increase in the output of finished products. The East India Company helped in financing and expanding their industrial base. During this time there was a class of manufacturers in England who benefited more from manufacturing than trading. They were interested in having more raw materials from India as well as sending their finished goods back. Between 1793 and 1813, these British manufacturers launched a campaign against the company, its trade monopoly and the privileges it enjoyed. Ultimately, they succeeded in abolishing the East India Company’s monopoly of Indian trade. With this India became an economic colony of Industrial England. BRITISH IMPACT ON SOCIETY AND CULTURE Indian society underwent many changes after the British came to India. In the 19th century, certain social practices like female infanticide, child marriage, sati, polygamy and a rigid caste system became more prevalent. These practices were against human dignity and values. Women were discriminated against at all stages of life and were the disadvantaged section of the society. They did not have access to any development opportunities to improve their status. Education was limited to a handful of men belonging to the upper castes. Brahmins had access to the Vedas which were written in Sanskrit. Expensive rituals, sacrifices and practices after birth or death were outlined by the priestly class. When the British came to India, they brought new ideas such as liberty, equality, freedom and human rights from the Renaissance, the Reformation Movement and the various revolutions that took place in Europe. These ideas appealed to some sections of our society and led to several reform movements in different parts of the country. At the forefront of these movements were visionary Indians such as Raja Ram Mohan Roy, Sir Syed Ahmed Khan, Aruna Asaf Ali and Pandita Ramabai. These movements looked for social unity and strived towards liberty, equality and fraternity. Many legal measures were introduced to improve the status of women. For example, the practice of sati was banned in 1829 by Lord Bentinck, the then Governor General. Widow Remarriage was permitted by a law passed in 1856. A law passed in 1872, sanctioned inter-caste and inter-communal marriages. Sharda Act was passed in 1929 preventing child marriage. The act provided that it was illegal to marry a girl below 14 and a boy below 18 years. All the movements severely criticized the caste system and especially the practice of untouchability. The impact of the efforts made by these numerous individuals, reform societies, and religious organizations was felt all over and was most evident in the national movement. Women started getting better education opportunities and took up professions and public employment outside their homes. The role of women like Captain Laxmi Sehgal of Indian National Army (INA), Sarojini Naidu, Annie Besant, Aruna Asaf Ali and many others were extremely important in the freedom struggle. Colonial Ideologies of Civilizing Mission Utilitarian's and Missionaries Colonial ideology of civilizing mission was an attempt of intervening in the social and cultural lives of colonized people on the ground of bringing reforms and change. On the basis of two different measures of pursuing colonial ideology of intervention for bringing civilizational change, we could understand these different measure under two broader categories of Utilitarianism, and (Missionaries) Evangelicalism. Civilizing mission was a central part of French colonial ideology. It played a crucial role in continuation of French colonial policy of assimilation. Process of assimilation was required to bring the remotely located colonized population under the ambit of French government. They were doing this by treated colonial subject as a part of mainland France administratively and conceptually. Assimilation as a colonial policy had been derived via the French revolution. French revolution has given the concept of liberty, equality and fraternity for whole human kind. Colonial ideology of civilizing mission became the basic ground for policy of assimilation. Through this colonial ideology of civilizing mission, French colonies provided the best education and cultural facilities to the colonial subject but in return they demanded the complete renunciation of their own cultural and religious practices. Thus they gained political and economic stability and also earned a national prestige in international domain. Britishers also followed the same path, they also used colonial ideology of civilizing mission to bring India under British colonialism and to justify their intervention in Indian culture and society. Civilizing mission as colonial ideology helped British colonial power to intervene in both public and private aspect of colonized lives. Liberalism as a programmed of reform, developed a coherence it rarely possessed in England. Thomas R. Metcalf argues that on the name of civilizing mission evangelicals, free traders, law reformers, educational reformers, and utilitarian theorist worked side by side in India. Utilitarian's They suggested authoritarian reforms and social engineering and Evangelist suggested reform through government intervention in religious and superstitious structures of colonial society in India. Liberal ideology of reform got its fullest expression in utilitarian thinkers and British administrators who govern India during initial decade of 19th century. Utilitarian's started judging everything on the basis of their utility and functions. They started scrutinizing every aspect of cultures and Society in India. They scrutinized art, religion, culture, literature, and laws in India and they judged everything on the basis of their utility and contribution to social progress and where these things are located on civilizational scale. This school was prominently represented by James Mill, Lord William Bentinck, and Lord Dalhousie. As James Mill took charge of East India Company in London he started guiding policies towards India according to utilitarian principle. In his book “History of British India” published in 1817, very first time he argued that, people like Sir William Jones created a myth about India’s glorious past. He denied all glorious interpretation of India’s cultural, spiritual and traditional richness. He emphasized the weakness, and stagnant condition of Indian society, and established the fact that to bring progress in Indian society India needed a change. James Mill served for East India Company for almost seventeen years (1819-1836) and he achieved highest post in East India Company. James Mill was highly influenced with the idea of Scottish Enlightenment. Scottish Enlightenment establishes scientific precision as a true measure of degree of civilization of that society. He set himself the task of ascertaining India’s true state in the scale of civilization. He also disputed William Jones’s claim that Hindus had a glorious past rather he argued that the Hindus did not possess and never had possessed a “high state of civilization”. Hindus according to mill were rather rude people who had made a ‘but few of the earliest steps in the progress to civilization’. He blamed that in India there existed a hideous state of society which was inferior to the British feudal age. He immensely criticizes the priest craft, superstitious and despotism present in Indian society. Jeremy Bentham propounded the Utilitarian principle. In his book A Fragment of Government he argued that ‘it is the greatest happiness of greatest number that is the measure of right and wrong”. Oriental despotism The Orient means the East, and “despot” is a Greek word that means tyrannical ruler. This idea has been used by different European political philosopher to describe the governing condition in oriental society Aristotle firstly used this term to define the process of oriental governing system in his famous book “Politics”. Later on this term has been used by series of political thinker from Montesquieu, Machiavelli, and Hegel. Thus oriental despotism became a conceptual framework to define Asiatic governing society. This became a guiding idea of Eurocentric interpretation of Asia, Africa, and Middle East. James Mill introduced “Individual Property Right” in India through legislation. Marx further argued that oriental despotism was necessary for “Asiatic Mode of Production”. Asia is an agrarian society and for agricultural society individual property right could not be accepted. Thus oriental despotism is required in this part of world. Evangelicalism (Missionaries): Evangelicalism argued that religion in India is in most stagnant condition so reform is needed to liberate Indian from the religious trap which is full of superstition and priesthood. They argued that rather than depending upon legislation and rule of law as an agent of change, teaching of Western ethics and values, through (Christianity) would bring reforms in a more subtle and consistent manner. Grant served as a chairmen of British East India Company and served as Member of Parliament in British Parliament. Thus real beginning of western education in India could be traced with the Charter Act of 1813. This act allowed the missionaries to travel to India and also allocated the money sanctioned 100000 rupees per year for two major purposes 1) Revival and improvement of literature and encouragement of local learned people in India. 2) Promotion of scientific knowledge among the native inhabitant. Dilemma between Utilitarian and Missionary: In this passage we would summaries the dilemma between utilitarian and Missionaries perspective about colonial ideology of civilizing mission in India. In above passage we discussed in detail that Missionary and evangelicalism wanted to pursue their civilizing mission in India through Christianity and English education while Utilitarian used legislation as their tool of civilizing mission. Utilitarian like James Mill, was completely against of the change in system of vernacular education. The epitome of dilemma between utilitarian and missionaries could be realized in enactment of law for abolishment of “Sati Pratha” by Lord William Bentinck. Bentinck was an ardent supporter of James Mill and he abolished “Sati Pratha” and child marriage through legislation. But rather justifying his act on the ground of western education and science, he located the source of these reform in old Hindu Scriptures and texts. Evangelicalism, Macaulay Minute and End of Dilemma between Utilitarian and missionary: On 2 February 1835 Macaulay issued his famous Macaulay Minute on Indian Education which became the blue print of English education in India. He completely denied the fact that India ever was a champion of knowledge and civilization. Macaulay in his minute asserted that “A single shelf of a good European Library was worth the whole native literature of India and Arabia.” Thus he advocated for India, education in European literature and sciences inculcated through the medium of English language. He further argued that this kind of education would create a class of person, Indian in blood and color but English in test, in opinion, in moral and intellect. Bentinck immediately endorsed his proposal and enacted the law on Seventh March 1835. Lots of Indian historian further elaborated these scheme from different perspective.

Introduction Varna and Jati have played an important role in the social and political structure of India since ancient times. Today, there are more than three thousand castes and sub-castes in India, and castes are related to Varna. In India, Varna and Jati have been interrelated; from Vedic texts to Upanishads and other ancient texts, evidence of the varna system is found. In the Vedic texts, it is written that it was based on labor and occupation. Common occupation and social relations determine caste. Varna divides society into four varnas: Brahma Kshatriya Vaishya, and Shudra The word “Varna” is believed to originate from a large metal, which means to describe or select; this selection refers to the selection of business. THE VARNA SYSTEM IN INDIA People were classified according to their Varna or castes in ancient India during the Vedic Period (c. 1500-1000 BCE). 'Varna' signifies the colour, kind, order, or class of individuals and specifies their ancestral roots. Different scholars have different views about the origin of the varna system. It is written in the Purusha Sukta of Rigveda that Brahman emerged from the mouth of a great man, Kshatriya emerged from the arm, Vaishya emerged from the thigh, and Shudra emerged from the feet. Brahmins (priests, gurus, etc.), Kshatriyas (warriors, kings, administrators, etc.), Vaishyas (agriculturalists, traders, etc.,sometimes known as Vysyas), and Shudras (labourers) are the four main types. Each Varna has its own set of life principles to follow, and infants must adhere to the Varna's core customs, norms, behaviour, and beliefs. These four Varnas make up a community, and their devotion to the Varna laws ensures that wealth and order are maintained. Individual interests and personal preferences are treated with equal solemnity by a newborn in a certain Varna, in order to resolve the contradiction between personal choice and conventional regulations. Each Varna citizen's rights are constantly paired with their own obligations. The Manu Smriti (an ancient legal treatise from the Vedic Period) and subsequent Dharma Shastras have an extended Varna system with insights and logic. In theory, Varnas are not pure and undeniable lineages, but rather categories, implying that behaviour takes precedence over birth in determining a Varna. Some scholars consider religion and karma as the basis for the emergence of the Varna system. There are four basic needs of society: - First, education, i.e., reading and learning: teaching; Brahman’s work; second, work related to governance and security systems; third, the Kshatriya’s work of economic production and development; and the Shudra’s work of artificial service. The concept that doing Varna obligations would lead to moksha is the fundamental rationale for doing so. Conviction in Karma strengthens one's belief in the Varna life values. EVOLUTION AND NATURE OF THE VARNA SYSTEM It is generally known that the system of Varna developed after the arrival of Aryans in India around 1000 years ago. But since then the Varna System has existed, although there has been a change in its form. The evidence of ancient texts shows that Brahmin class has occupied the highest position among all other civilizations on the planet. The simplicity of the beginning gradually became complicated. The rules and laws prescribed for all castes gave rise to a sense of sangha between the Brahmin Kshatriyas. Shudras were separated from intellectual and religious works in this. During the Vedic period, which lasted from 1500 to 1000 BCE, the caste system was implemented and recognised in ancient India. 6th century BC by then, the varna’s situation had become so complex that Buddha and Mahavira had opposed many of the evils arising in it. Later, Manu also formulated elaborate rules for different classes. Thus, caste was born in place of varna. Some Shudras like Matang, Vidur gained a prestigious place in society at that time by doing good deeds. In the Manusmriti text, the Shakas are called “Vratya Kshatriyas,” who are generally considered to be devout. External invasions had caused chaos in society after the Gupta period, so an attempt was made to establish the varna system by providing it with a solid foundation. ORIGIN OF JATI (CASTE SYSTEM) IN INDIA The word caste derives from the Spanish and Portuguese “casta”, means “race, lineage, or breed”. ‘Jati’ originates from the root word ‘Jana’ which implies taking birth. Thus, caste is concerned with birth. There are many theories like traditional, racial, political, occupational, evolutionary etc which try to explain the caste system in India. 1. Traditional Theory According to this theory, the caste system is of divine origin. It says the caste system is an extension of the varna system, where the 4 varnas originated from the body of Bramha. At the top of the hierarchy were the Brahmins who were mainly teachers and intellectuals and came from Brahma’s head. Kshatriyas, or the warriors and rulers, came from his arms. Vaishyas, or the traders, were created from his thighs. At the bottom were the Shudras, who came from Brahma’s feet. The mouth signifies its use for preaching, learning etc, the arms – protections, thighs – to cultivate or business, feet – helps the whole body, so the duty of the Shudras is to serve all the others. The sub-castes emerged later due to intermarriages between the 4 varnas. The proponents of this theory cite Purushasukta of Rigveda, Manusmriti etc to support their stand. 2. Breed-based Theory The Sanskrit word for Jati (caste) is varna, which means color. The caste system took its birth after the arrival of Aryans in India. Rig Vedic literature emphasizes very significantly the difference between Aryans and non-Aryans. The varna system prevalent during the Vedic period was mainly based on the division of labor and occupation. The Rig Veda often mentions the three classes: Brahma, Kshatra, and Vis. Brahma and Kshatra represented the poet-priest and warrior-chief, respectively. Vis included all the common people. The name of the fourth class, “Shudra,” appears only once in the Rig Veda. The Shudra class represented domestic servants. 3. Political Theory According to this theory, the caste system is a clever tool invented by Brahmins to place themselves on the highest ladder of the social hierarchy. The Brahmins also combined the concept of the king’s spiritual merit through a priest or priests to get the support of the ruler of the country. 3. Professional Theory The hierarchy of Jati is according to occupation. Occupations that were considered superior and respectable made those individuals better than those who were engaged in dirty businesses. Occupational differentiation and many subspecies, such as blacksmiths, chamars, and Teli (oil pressers), came along with functional differentiation. 4. Developmental Theory According to this theory, the caste system did not come into existence on any particular date. It is the result of a long process of social development. Family-based business Brahmins want to keep themselves pure. Lack of rigid unitary control of the state. Reluctance of rulers to enforce a uniform standard of law and custom The “Karma” and “Dharma” theories also explain the origin of the caste system. Confirmation of one’s religion occurs even at birth in the rich upper caste, and the violation gives rise to the lower and poorer castes. Geographical isolation of the Indian peninsula Foreign invasions Rural social structure The caste system developed strongly after the Mauryan period, mainly after the establishment of the Shunga dynasty by Pushyamitra Shunga,; this dynasty was the strong protector of “Brahmanism.” FEATURES OF THE JATI (CASTE SYSTEM) IN INDIA 1. Division of Society Society is divided into various small social groups called castes. Each of these races is a well-developed social group, the membership of which is determined by birth. 2. Hierarchy According to Louis Dumont, castes teach us a fundamental social theory of hierarchy. At the top of this hierarchy is the Brahmin caste, and at the bottom is the untouchable caste. There are intermediate castes in the middle, whose relative status is not always clear. 3. Endogamy Endogamy is the chief characteristic of caste, i.e. the members of a caste or sub-caste should marry within their own caste or sub-caste. The violation of the rule of endogamy would mean ostracism and loss of caste. However, hypergamy and hypogamy (marriage with a person of lower social status) were also prevalent. 4. Hereditary status and occupation The Greek traveler Megasthenes of India in 300 BC mentioned hereditary occupation as one of the two characteristics of the caste system, the other being endogamy. 5. Restrictions on food and drink The taboo of cooking, which defines individuals who can cook food. The taboo of eating can determine the ritual to be followed in the meal. A prohibition that relates to the person with whom one can take food. Brahmins in North India only accepted cooked food (cooked in ghee) from certain castes below them. However, no person will accept raw (cooked in water) food prepared by the lower caste. Beef was not allowed by any caste except Harijans. 6. A special name Every race has a special name, although we can recognize it. Sometimes, a business is also associated with a particular caste. 7. Caste Panchayat The status of each caste is carefully protected not only by caste laws but also by conventions. These are implemented openly by the community through a governing body or board called a caste panchayat. MAJOR FUNCTIONS OF THE JATI (CASTE SYSTEM) It continued the traditional social organization of India. It has accommodated multiple communities by ensuring each of them a monopoly of a specific means of livelihood. Provided social security and social recognition to individuals. It is the individual’s caste that canalizes his choice in marriage, plays the roles of the state-club, the orphanage and the benefits society. Besides, it also provides him with health insurance benefits. It even provides for his funeral. It has handed over the knowledge and skills of the hereditary occupation of a caste from one generation to another, which has helped the preservation of culture and ensured productivity. Caste plays a crucial role in the process of socialization by teaching individuals the culture and traditions, values and norms of their society. It has also led to interdependent interaction between different castes, through jajmani relationships. Caste acted as a trade union and protected its members from the exploitation. Promoted political stability, as Kshatriyas were generally protected from political competition, conflict and violence by the caste system. Maintained racial purity through endogamy. Specialization led to quality production of goods and thus promoted economic development. For eg: Many handicraft items of India gained international recognition due to this. DYSFUNCTION IN THE JATI (CASTE SYSTEM) The caste system imposes a curb on economic and intellectual advancement and is a major obstacle in the way of social reforms as it restricts economic and intellectual opportunities to a certain section of the population. It reduces the efficiency of labor and prevents the full mobility of labor, capital, and productive effort. It perpetuates the exploitation of economically weaker and socially inferior castes, especially the untouchables. It has caused untold hardships for women by insisting on practices such as child marriage, widow-remarriage prohibition, women’s segregation, and so on. She opposes real democracy by giving political monopolies to Kshatriyas in the past and acting as a vote bank in the current political scenario. There are political parties that represent only one caste. For example, the BSP was formed by Kanshi Ram mainly to represent SCs, STs, and OBCs. It has stood in the way of national and collective consciousness and proved disruptive rather than a unifying factor. Caste conflicts are widely prevalent in politics, reservations in jobs and education, inter-caste marriages, etc., such as the demand for Jati reservation and agitation by the Patidar community. There is scope for religious conversion. Due to the atrocities of the upper castes, the people of the lower castes are converting to Islam and Christianity. The caste system stands in the way of modernization by forcing an individual to act strictly according to caste norms, resisting change. INDIA HAS A DISTINCT JATI (CASTE SYSTEM) AS A SOCIAL SYSTEM There has been a cultural continuity in India that no other civilization has had. Ancient systems, religions, and cultures of other civilizations are mostly gone. In India, history exists, and even external empires co-opted the system rather than replacing it. Caste has been merged into a modern religion, making it difficult to remove it. India has integrated many systems more easily. What is known as “caste” in Portuguese or English is actually composed of 3 different components: caste, mass, and character. Caste is a commercial identity. The mass is an ethnic identity. Character is a philosophical identity. They have been more tightly mixed over the centuries. In the world’s most transformative period—the last 3 centuries—India spent most of it under European colonialism. As a result, India has changed numerous times. Most of the changes in the system came only in 1950, when India became a republic. Theoretically, caste as a cultural phenomenon (i.e., as a matter of ideology or value system) is found only in India, whereas when it is seen as a structural phenomenon, it is also found in other societies. The structural-specific view of caste states that the caste system is confined to Indian society. DIFFERENCE BETWEEN VARNA AND JATI CONCLUSION Despite differing views on the origins of caste, society accepts this system. In practice, the concept of high and low stratification in the caste system is reflected. The Constitution forbids discrimination on the basis of caste and caste, but some traditions in society are based on caste and caste. Therefore, it can be said that varna and caste are a medium for understanding Indian society, whose existence can be seen from the Vedic era.

INTRODUCTION Man is a social animal. Due to this human tendency and need, institutions like family and society developed. Therefore, the development of human society took place in the form of a state-nation. Nation based on the feelings and thoughts of man and the emergence of an institution like the state as a political basis. A nation is said to be a group of people who live permanently in a certain area and have similar social identity, common history, language, culture and political consciousness DEFINITION OF RAJYA AND RASHTRA State is a political concept which is made up of Fixed territory Population Government Sovereignty Western scholars consider nation and state to be a modern concept. Western believes nation and state as modern concepts however Indian thinkers differs from this notion. EVALUATION OF RASHTRA The evolution of Rashtra in India from Rigveda to Atharvaveda, the word Rashtra is mentioned in various Mantra and Samhitas. The word Rashtra has been used many times in Brahmin texts and Smritis. In Vishnu Purana, the name of the year, land, borders, people, rivers, mountains etc. have been depicted with pride. Kalidasa in his epic ‘Raghuvansham’ has written about Indianness and Swarashtra. In Buddhist texts also, the words raja (state) and ratha (nation) have been used at many times. Based on various stories and facts, it can be said that at that time there is a possibility of having many nations under one state. In this way, the concept of nation-state is not only mentioned in Vedas, Upanishads, Smritis, Mahabharata, Ramayana and Buddhist texts in India. From the Huns, Shakas, Turks, Mughals to the British, tried to break the Indian culture and governance system. In the modern period, the development of the concept of nation took place as a protest against the colonial rule, mainly after the revolution of 1857. Many social reformers like Raja Ram Mohan Roy, Swami Dayanand Saraswati, Ram Krishna Mission, Annivasant and Swami Vivekananda laid the foundation of nationalism on the basis of which India’s freedom struggle was fought. The concept of nation like Bande Mataram by Bankim Chandra Chatterjee, Ganpati festival of Tilak, Hindu philosophy of Arvind Ghosh, Hindu Rashtra by Savarkar took forward the concept of nation. Today India is established as a nation and state. EVALUATION OF RAJYA The controversy exists away the scholars as to the use and meaning of the term ‘rajya’. In most parts of the ancient and medieval India, as also during the 16th-17th centuries in the West, the word “state came to be commonly understood somewhat identical with the terms “sovereign’ or ‘king’ or ‘raja'. With the rise of the nation-state and subsequently, the democratization of the structure of the governmental bodies the state came to be known as what it is known now. The state is now the whole community, the whole legal association; the whole of the juridical organization. The State in Ancient India The State in ancient India was not, as it was with the 17th-18th centuries. The state was considered a political instrument to promote the cause of the Dharma. In ancient India, the absolute authority was rarely or never used; it was though not a state chosen by the people, but it was certainly a state which existed or cared the welfare of all dharma as a base of the state. The king, referred to as dhritavarla, was regarded as the upholder of the sacred law. That was why he is called dharmapati in Satapatha Brahmana. The state, we may therefore say, in India, provided for both material and moral development of the individual, leading ultimately to the fullest development of the society. The ancient Indian society, wedded to Dharma, was one where the state. The State in medieval times) India personified itself with the king; the king was, thus, the personification of the state. Origin of kingship mentioned in Manu’s theory of the divine origin or Kautilya’s theory of social contract. With regard to the origin of kingship Varma believes that it arose in the vedic period as a part of the process of integration of families, tribes, clans, and villages into rashtra or a state. Law (Aspects of Ancient Indian Polity), on the other hand, regards kingship as the handiwork of the magicians who gradually turned themselves into kings. But once kings came, kingship, and state became one; the office of the king was the institution of the state. The Ramayana refers to the origin as well as the institution of the state. The importance of the state has also been noted in the Mahabharata, for the Arajaka states are regarded not worth dwelling. The end of the state, in the Mahabharata, is referred to as the attainment of the four objects of life- Dharma, Artha, Kama and Moksh. The Puranic state makes Dharma as its basis; by Dharma is meant truth. Dharma, thus it is more or less a law upholding state. The divine origin theory of the state, the Manu Smriti makes the state a Saptanga having limbs such as the Lord, Minister, Capital, Rashtra, Treasure, Army, Ally, mentioning swarashtra and Mandal rashtra. The state, in the Sukraniti, consists of seven limbs, i.e., the state being a kingdom, the organization of seven limbs: The sovereign is the head The minister is the eye Friend is the year The treasure is the mouth The army is the mind The fort is the arms and The state is the legs Similarly Kautilya also explained about state however he mainly emphasized on seven elements of State which are: Swami Amatya Janapada Durga Kosa Danda Mitra With regard to the origin of the state, Kautilya seems to have adverted social contract theory. The Kautilyan state is monarchical, for he desired to establish a strong and powerful monarch with a view to protect the life and property of the state. In Kautilya’s views, the promotion of the welfare of the people is an essential task of the king personified in the institution of the state. To conclude, according to Kautilya, were confined not merely to the maintenance of law and order or the protection of the people, but extended to enable the individual attain the highest development. The State in Asoka’s Dhamma Dhamma is the Prakrit form of the Sanskrit word Dharma, meaning the universal law or righteousness. Asoka’s inscriptions consist of two types The small group, the edicts, describe his adherence to Buddhism, Two larger group, as inscribed on rock surfaces, include Major and Minor Rock edicts, and the Pillar edicts, propagating his ideas, in the manner of exhortations to his subjects. A brief summary of the Major Rock Edicts and the Pillar Edicts gives Asoka’s theory of state, the Minor Rock Edicts dealing purely with his Buddhist activities. Dhamma of Asoka assumes a state of non violence, incorporating a number of ideals and practices. Abstinence from killing was an important one. Also was important in Asoka’s Dhamma’s social and political theory, a programme of social welfare such as providing medical facilities, good communications and prohibiting useless expenditure on superstitions. Dhamma, the righteousness, remains the very basis of Asoka’s theory of State. Medieval Era The Ain-i-Akbari describes the state as it existed in the medieval India. Ain-i-Akbari is a 16th century document. The state, as the Ain-i-Akbari states, is a divine institution, the royalty being a light emanating from God, and a ray from the sun, the illuminator of the universe. Akbar used to worship the sun as the visible representative of God, and the immediate source of life. Through God, the king obtains qualities such as Paternal love towards the subjects; A large heart : nothing disagreeable unsettles him, nothing discriminatory elements obstruct him, nothing indecisiveness rebutes; A daily increasing trust in God : God makes do him the act, whatever he does, he does on the dictates of God, Prayer and devotion The king is more than a ruler in the Ain-i-Akbari. The Ain-i-Akbari, therefore, refers to fourfold division of officer. These are 1. The Nobles The nobles resemble fire, being ardent in devotion and conquering in dealing with foes like Vakil. The Mir-mail; i.e. the keeper of the real, the Mir-yakhshi, the Bar-begi, the Qurbegi, the Mir-tozak the Mir-yahri, the Mirmanzil, the Khawan rātār, the Munshi, the Qush-begi, the Akhtabegi—all these, the ministerial staff assigned to perform their respective duties. 2. The Assistants This include Vizier also called Diwan together with the Mustawfi, the Sahib-i-tawzi, the Awarja Nawiz, the Mir-saman, the Nazir-i-Buyutat, the Diwan-i-Buyuttat, the Mushrif, the Waqil’a Nawis, the Amil all these collectors of revenue, who in the administration. 3. The companions The companions of the king, known as the ornaments of the court by the light of their wisdom, resemble water in the affairs of the body-politic. At the head of this class stands the philosopher and include in it the Sadr, the Mir-Adl, the Qazi, the physician, the astronomer, the poet, the soothsayer 4. The servants They occupy in the system of the state the position of the earth. The table servant, the armor bearer, the servants in charge of the sharbat and the water, the servant in charge of the mattresses and the wardrobe belong to this class. The Ain-i-Akbari mentions four persons as the chief supports of the state. These are : An upright collector : he protects the husbandman, watches over the subjects, develops the country and improves the revenues; A conscientious commander of the army; he is active and strict; A Chief justice: he is free from avarice and selfishness, who sits on the eminence of circumspection and insight, and obtains his ends by putting various questions, without exclusively relying on witnesses and oaths; An intelligencer: he transmits the events of the time without addition or diminution; he always keeps to the thread of truth and penetration. The theory of state in the ancient and medieval India, by way of conclusion, may thus be described as the theory of benevolent monarchy. As against the western state type the Indian state of ancient and medieval times has been non-exploitative, promotive, accommodative, its all comprehensiveness notwithstanding. Modern Era The entire western world including India considers the nation-state to be a modern idea. In colonial countries like India, the growth of nationalism erupted as an opposition to imperialism. From 1857 revolt to independence day, India has came long way. India has been established as a strong nation since independence and is growing ahead. Conclusion Indian civilization and culture is very ancient, full of different types of diversity. Based on the theory of the modern state, though the formation of India as a state-nation is considered since 1947. Based on the available literary evidence, it can be said that India as a nation existed from the Vedic period. Scholars like Shankar, Chaitanya, Vivekananda, Tagore, Savarkar and Gandhi represent the global vision of the Indian state – nation, from ancient times to Till date, India’s identity has been "Vishwadhaiva Kutumbakam". India as a state-nation is a supporter of justice and humanity, so today it is marching towards becoming a Vishwa guru through cultural nationalism.

INTRODUCTION The chief or the king in the Rig Vedic period did not exercise unlimited power, for he had to reckon administration with the tribal organizations like Sabha, Samiti, and Vidhata. It is described in the Rigveda and Atharvaveda. Just as ‘Arcopegus’ was the role of the Sabha and the Samiti in India, in the Greek people, in the ‘Curia’ Romans. The Sabha was also called the “people and the council. In ancient Sanskrit texts, popular institutions like Sabha, Samiti, Vidath, Sangram, and Parishad have been mentioned. ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT Thinkers have different opinions about the origin and development of these concepts. With the development of man’s political life, “Sabha and Samiti” emerged. Altekar has mentioned three types of meetings – Sabha, Samiti, and Vidath– but said that it is difficult to give a definite meaning to these words. In ‘Parashar Madhava’, Jupiter has described four types of meetings Achal Sabha, which used to take place in the village, Chal Sabha - The Sabha of learned persons who used to visit, The Empowered Samiti—the Superintendent was its head, Sabha as per command—The king was its head. Bhrigu has also mentioned some simple meetings in this book which were of certain castes. Charaka has also mentioned two types of meetings. The first is the meeting of learned people, and the second is the meeting of the public. Shende has written that the word ‘Parliament’ has been used in place of the House in Atharvaveda and its members have been called corporators. Ludwick believes that the meeting was attended by upper class people, such as priests and wealthy people. Ordinary people were members of the Samiti. Hillebrand believes that both the Sabha and the Samiti were the same. The place where people gathered was called the Sabha, and the gathering group was called the Samiti. In Vedic texts, the gathering is generally described in two ways, the first is the gathering of Vedic people, and the second is the place where people used to gather. The reputation of the Sabha as a common institution was also similar, but initially its role was limited. Both the “House and the Samiti” had the right to debate. SABHA The term Sabha occurred eight times in the Rig Veda and seventeen times in the Atharva Veda. In one instance, Sabha referred to a meeting hall. In other instances, Sabha referred to a “body of men shining together.” Sabha was a select body of elders. The head of the Sabha was known as ‘Sabhapati’. The Sabha advised the king on administration. It discussed pastoral affairs and performed judicial and administrative functions and exercised judicial authority. It functioned as a court of law and tried the cases of criminals and punished them. The term Sabha denotes both the assembly (in early Rig-Vedic) and the assembly hall (later Rig- Vedic). Women called Sabhavati also attended this assembly. It was basically a kin-based assembly and the practice of women attending it was stopped in later-Vedic times. Rig-Veda speaks of the Sabha also as a dicing and gambling assembly, along with a place for dancing, music, witchcraft, and magic. The Sabha, situated outside of settlement, was restricted to the Vratyas, bands of roving Brahmins and Kshatriyas in search of cattle, with a common woman (pumscali) while the vidatha was the potlatch-like ritual distribution of bounty. SAMITI The term samiti occurred nine times in the Rig Veda and thirteen times in the Atharva Veda. The Rig Veda stated that one could not rule without a samiti. One Vedic reference described a raja’s (ruler) presence in a samiti. Another reference described several rulers sitting together in a samiti. The Rig Veda reported people in a samiti discussing their cattle. One Rig Veda prayer called for agreement and unity of thought in the samiti. The Atharva Veda included the prayer of a Brahman priest on behalf of a samiti. The references to samiti come from the latest books of the Rig-Veda showing that it assumed importance only towards the end of the Rig-Vedic period. Samiti was a folk assembly in which people of the tribe gathered for transacting tribal business. It discussed philosophical issues and was concerned with religious ceremonies and prayers. References suggest that the Raja was elected and re-elected by the Samiti. RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN “SABHA AND SAMITI” In the beginning, there was no difference between the Sabha and the Samiti. Both were called daughters of Prajapati. In the early Vedic Age, the Sabha and Samiti had a commendable role to play as the political organization of the Aryans. Both were mobile units led by chiefs who kept moving along with the forces. The only difference between Sabha and Samiti seems to be the fact that Sabha performed judicial functions, which the Samiti did not. Later, the sabha became a small aristocratic body and samiti ceased to exist. COMPARISON WITH EXISTING REPRESENTATIVE ORGANIZATIONS “Sabha and Samiti” existed as a public representative institution in Vedic times. First, if we look at the similarity of the Sabha and the Samiti with modern institutions, then like Parliament, the “Sabha and Samiti” are also used to do the work of convention, debate, control over governance, election of the ruler and control with responsibility. But after so many similarities ,there were some differences too. There is no evidence of the rules by which the House and the Samiti were governed or of which subjects they had jurisdiction. The king was the head of both the rule and the judiciary. Having public loving representative institutions is very important in the matter of Indian governance. “Sabha and Samiti” reflect the glory of the Vedic period. CONCLUSION Thus, in conclusion, it can be said that in the Vedic period, “Sabha and Samiti” were the major popular public-funded monarchical institutions. The Sabha was a local body in the rural area, which was small. The Samiti functioned as a central body which had a wider scope than that of the Sabha. The influence and dominance of the priestly, the rich, powerful class over these institutions increased, making the king also autocratic. Ultimately, it can be said that in the Vedic period, the “Sabha and Samiti” was the principal public body of social, religious, and political discourse.

Introduction “Nature of Nyaya” by Amartya Sen the renown professor of economics, is a very important book on the development of Nyaya. According to Sen, Niti is an abstract method that, if implemented fully, will result in maximum public welfare and Nyaya, on the other hand. Nyaya deals with the enforcement of laws and regulations. DEFINITION OF NYAYA The concept of Nyaya is one of the most complex concepts that consumes much scholarly ink yet remains esoteric and impeccable. Plato’s concept, in relation to Nyaya, placed more emphasis on the real part rather than the procedural aspect. Marx considered Nyaya to be a sham, a mask that facilitates capitalist exploitation. Some people believe that Nyaya is equality, but equality is also a vague concept. It is a relative concept. According to the utilitarian, Nyaya is the greatest task done for the largest number of people. Nyaya is not only for the animation of Nyaya, but also for the principle of central Nyaya. Prof. Sen has built his idea of Nyaya on the silence left on the principle of Nyaya presented by Rolls. Rawls’ theory deals with a utopian just society. Social contract theory, mainly propounded by Rousseau, Hobbes, and Locke, focused primarily on the institutional arrangements of a society. This approach, which might be called “transcendental institutionalism,” has two distinctive features. It focuses its attention on being identified as absolute Nyaya rather than a comparative comparison of Nyaya and Niti. In its search for perfection, transcendental institutionalism focused primarily on getting institutions right, not real societies. In India, for example, classical legal philosophers derided matsynyaya, or “Nyaya in the fish world,” reflecting the type of society seen among fish, where a large fish can swim freely. THE CONCEPT OF NITI AND NYAYA “Niti” can also be described as a “theory of the state” or political knowledge. It is an abstract exercise whose implementation will maximize public welfare and Nyaya. On the other hand, is the “broad concept of real Nyaya,” which is essentially connected to the world that actually emerges, not just the entities or rules we have. According to Sen, this distinction between Niti and Nyaya can be seen in European philosophy. Hobbes, Locke, Rousseau, Kant, and Rawls all insist on the establishment of institutions, while Adam Smith, Wollstonecraft, Bentham, Marx, and Mill all take a more comparative approach, looking at the social realities as a whole that are certainly the result of institutions, but also of other factors such as human behaviour. The distinction between Niti and Nyaya is similar to another well-known distinction in Western legal thought. Sen cites the example of Gautam Buddha to illustrate the philosophy of Nyaya as a paradigm of compassion. Sen claims that Gautam Buddha’s suffering is easily understandable and it is possible to “appreciate the relevance of human life in the argumentative judgments of the world we live in. NYAYA AND NITI IN ANCIENT INDIA Overwhelmed by the influence of the traditions of section ethics presented by Anglo, the ancient society of India often ignored the moral traditions of ancient India. It has now become necessary to do exploratory research into the glorious Nyaya and Niti systems of ancient India, which are the gold mines. In ancient times, the Indian Niti and the judicial system highlighted or looked at these particulars. The supremacy of Niti and Nyaya, which is also the main point and basis of every modern democratic system, on which the building of the administration of ancient India was built. Even before the birth of modern writers, this theory existed in the moral concept of ancient India. It is also known from the study of ancient scriptures that even in the period of ancient India, there was no definite opinion of any kind regarding the “death penalty” NYAYA AND NITI ACCORDING TO THE THINKERS OF ANCIENT INDIA Looking at the judicial system of ancient India, it would have been known that today’s administrative and judicial systems are still following in the same footsteps. Kautilya’s Views on Nyaya and Niti According to ancient Indian thinkers, Kautilya also laid great emphasis on the observance of everyone’s religion. Kautilya also makes judicial arrangements to punish them. According to him, Nyaya is the life blood of the state. Kautilya’s Judge Selection Kautilya has given the basis of Nyaya in economics to the king. According to him, there is a worthy, dutiful, and public-welfare king. Kautilya gave the responsibility of appointing these judges to the king. The whole legal system of Kautilya is contemporary. He placed a lot of emphasis on the decentralization of the legal system as well as on fair Nyaya. Manu’s Views on Nyaya and Niti Apart from the provision of a council for the creation of Manu law and the Nyaya system, the public was free to make their own rules through their federal institutions. It includes total, caste, and category. Manu describes in his views the composition of the legislature in an extended form. According to him, the number of members of the Legislative and Council should be about ten, but according to him, the basis of the composition should be intellectual and not in the form of numbers. Manu’s Views the Idea of Punishment According to Manu, there are two types of tendencies in human beings: one devilish and the other divine. Under the divine tendency, peace, good, and the rights of others were also kept in mind, and work was also motivated to bring happiness to others. On the contrary, in the devil’s nature, the judicial rights of others can be seized solely for self-interest. Therefore, Manu clearly gives his opinion that the power of punishment is very much needed to purify the conduct of human beings and to follow their religion. According to him, punishment should be arranged according to the amount of guilt the guilty party. THE “PRINCIPLE OF NYAYA” PRESENTED BY RAWLS Rawls’ Nyaya principle was viewed as a kind of alternative to the classical utilitarian principle. Rawls’ theory of distributive Nyaya is based on the fact that Nyaya is a system of cooperation for mutual benefit between individuals living within a society. The concept of ‘original position’ played a significant role in Rawls’ principles along with the ‘veil of ignorance.’ He believes to base these principles by imagining a group of people who are unaware of their age, sex, race, religion, or economic class, wealth, income, intelligence, talents, etc. This group of people would agree upon the following principles for the realisation of justice – Each person is to have an equal right to the most extensive basic liberty compatible with a similar liberty for others. Social and economic inequalities are to be arranged so that they are both – To the greatest benefit of the least advantaged. Attached to offices and positions open to all under conditions of fair equality of opportunity. The first principle states that all the people are to receive the basic liberties and rights that are basic to human existence. Also, these liberties are to be provided equally to all the masses. Few liberties that are basic to all are – freedom of thought and conscience, liberties necessary to secure the rule of law, sanitation, health, and etcetera. Basic liberties can’t be infringed for any reason, even if it were to bring greater economic prosperity to a larger number of people. Unfortunately, economic prosperity would happen at the expense of the ones that don’t belong to the larger group. The first point of the second principle is known as the ‘difference principle.’ It means that even if there is an unequal distribution of income and wealth then it should be such that the most disadvantaged should be better off than they would be in any other kind of distribution consistent with principle one including equal distribution. The second point of the second principle points out that society should provide all citizens with the basic means that would enable them to participate in the competition. Like education and health facilities. COMPARATIVE NYAYA: A CRITICAL APPROACH According to Sen, the most serious flaw in the theory of Nyaya presented by Rawls is its transcendental institutionalism. Rawls’ theory, based on the social contract tradition, aims to explain a set of principles that will be of considerable help in creating the public institutions of a just society. Therefore, the main problem that Sen had with the theory presented by Rolls was the perfection theory. According to Sen, the Rawlsian doctrine loses touch with reality: it ranges from the Bengal famine of 1943 to the devastating earthquake in Haiti in January 2010 that killed more than 150,000 people and left more than two million homeless. Prof. Sen has regarded Nyaya as a genuine approach. Rawls says that Nyaya is “Nyaya equal to fairness.” Rawls was influenced by Kantian theological ethics when formulating the concept of Nyaya. Kantian deontological ethics is a type of ethics that is universal in nature and is primarily guided by moral principles. In this context, Rawls uses the metaphor of the “veil of ignorance” to express his concept of Nyaya as “fairness.” The “basic situation” that Rawls is talking about creates a hypothetical situation, but practically it is never multidimensional, diverse, conflicting, or able to encompass the real and concrete demands of a larger plurality. Sen’s concern is essentially three times Rawls’ theory: The first is the inevitable relevance of actual behavior; The second is the contractual choice; and The third is the relevance of the global approach. SEN'S PHILOSOPHY OF NYAYA AS A MODEL OF NYAYA On Nyaya, Sen’s vision involves anthropological sensitivity: of course, understanding human nature is insufficient to explain all the questions raised by the theory of Nyaya. Sen bases his opinion on the fact that there is a shared understanding of human beings embedded in many competing conceptions of Nyaya, and the readiness to resist Nyaya and the tendency to do so by participating in meaningful public debates. Slavery abolitionists in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries did not believe that abolishing slavery would make the world perfectly just. Rather, he claimed that it was based on a society. Slavery was completely unjust, and it needed to end immediately Slavery prioritised freedom from the intolerable in Nyaya and did not necessitate seeking consensus on what a perfectly just society would look like. Sen asserted that his concept of Nyaya is not just a matter of consequences. In fact, his definition of Nyaya includes a holistic approach to both processes and outcomes. Ultimately, Nyaya is connected to people’s ways of life, not just to the nature of the entities around them. Professor Sen took the example of early Indian jurisprudence to shed light on many concepts of Nyaya, such as’ Niti ‘and’ Nyaya. In other words, it is necessary to assess the role of institutions based on how much inclusivity is reflected in them. CONCLUSION It is impossible to determine if Rawls’ “concept of Nyaya” is superior to Sen’s “idea of Nyaya,” hence it is not a good idea to debate this point. On the other hand, it may be claimed that Sen’s interpretation of Nyaya “completes and develops Rawls’ idea of Nyaya.” Sen’s work should be seen as a modification of Rawls’ political theories rather than as an alternative strategy. First, the nature of Nyaya in our world is often global, and national law is too narrow as a lens through which it can be studied and analyzed, as well as a tool to combat it. Second, the only concentration on national law excludes international perspectives, one of the most rigid obstructive aspects in the struggle against Nyaya In any case, Sen encourages legal education to meet a greater number of comparative, international, and, most importantly, international perspectives. Karl Marx’s theory was about an ideal society in which the workers were no longer subservient classes. However, both Rawls and Amartya Sen are treading the same path and have similar opinions in this regard that the concept of utilitarianism, or a system that promotes only the welfare of the majority or the happiness of the greatest number, is not correct.